








































s 



MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE 


OF THE LATE 

CAPT. ARTHUR STORMONT MURRAY, 


OP THE 1ST BATTALION OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE. 


BY HIS FATHER, 

GENERAL THE HON. HENRY MURRAY, C.B. 

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) > 
> ) > 


LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION. 


1859. 





205449 


5 

L 


13 








LONDON: PRINTED BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET 
AND CHARING CROSS. 







TO 

THE MOTHER AND SISTER 


ARTHUR STORMONT MURRAY, 

Cljis $$Um0tr 

IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED BY 


HIS FATHER. 









PREFACE. 


It would be idle to deprecate criticism, and foolish 
to be insensible to it if just; but in printing this 
work, my desire being simply to bear an honest tri¬ 
bute to the memory of my lamented son, I am con¬ 
tent that its execution should prove me a writer of 
better intention than ability—an excuse which I 
have no doubt the candid will accept. But it 
may be thought that the time for printing is ill 
selected—perhaps it is; but immediately after the 
events to which this work relates I was fully 
engaged with other duties; and, if I may be 
allowed to say so, the public mind was then in no 
very favourable mood towards military men. 

A long peace, and the doctrines of those who 
were averse from war, created an opinion that an 
army was more costly than useful. The defences of 
the country were neglected, and the army was re¬ 
duced in every branch. A war was going on at the 
Cape of Good Hope, and the people here were out 

a 3 




VI 


PEEFACE. 


of all patience that the war was not brought at 
once to a conclusion. “If,” they said, “your dis¬ 
ciplined troops are worth anything, they ought 
to exterminate the undisciplined Kaffirs ,• and if 
your troops are worth nothing, the fewer of them, 
if any, the better.” 

Now, whatever may have been the merit of 
this style of reasoning, subsequent events have 
shown its fallacy. 

Even in regard to the Kaffir war it was wrong, 
for a Kaffir in the bush is proportionately strong 
from being a wild animal, cunning it is true, but 
rather from instinct than reason, and fighting in 
his own element. 

But the defection of the Hottentots complicated 
the Kaffir war, and rendered it infinitely more 
difficult to bring to a conclusion. 

Happily, however, that war was in the end 
successfully terminated; but a war of a very dif¬ 
ferent description, and upon a much larger scale, 
was soon to break up the indulgence of those 
peaceful notions the public had for so long 
a period been allowed to entertain. The Crimean 
war took place : the same sanguine expectation of 
the public was again to endure its disappointments. 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


Victories were gained, but Sevastopol held out; 
all the various incidents of war, pestilence, slaugh¬ 
ter, and storm, seemed to form the aggregate of 
the imputed incompetence of the commanders, 
without calling attention to the fact that war 
is a trial of various moral qualities, which the 
public itself does not always cultivate with suffi¬ 
cient care. The public had been fancying for 
years past that it had only to stamp with its 
foot, and that armed men would spring from the 
earth and overcome whatever enemies there might 
be. But what soldier ever told the public so, 
who had been used to service P 

Even peace, with all its blessings, which no one 
reasonably can contest, must always on recom¬ 
mencing war be in some measure a cause of 
difficulty; and particularly is it so when peace 
retrenchments have crippled every branch of 
service and paralysed some. Peace came at 
length, and our army, in melancholy triumph 
over the ruins of Sevastopol, left the Crimea 
saturated with the blood of so many of our 
bravest and best. 

It is not an unusual thing with persons who 
embark in large expenses, of which they have not 


viii PREFACE. 

previously ascertained tlie amount, to impute to 
every one ratlier than to themselves the magni¬ 
tude of the outlay, of which every step discloses 
the increasing extent; and if the expenditure does 
at last stop, and has to he reckoned up finally, 
the same desire continues to shift the blame from 
their own shoulders. As it is with individuals, 
so it is with a nation; and no stronger ex¬ 
ample could be given than this country gave 
during the war against Russia. Whoever has 
served must admit that, though one may look 
back to past service as a happy time, from the 
animation and excitement it gave birth to, yet 
during its continuance there are many considera¬ 
tions which at the time do not constitute it as 
a period free from annoyance. One may have a 
bad dinner or no dinner—clothes wet through and 
no change—instead of a bed, the cold, perhaps the 
wet or snowy ground-—want of rest, if not want 
of sleep—put out of one’s own way in everything, 
and not even a tent;—on such occasions a man, 
probably aching like Caliban, is disposed to be 
out of sorts and to grumble ; therefore nothing is 
more common than for men on service to grumble, 
sometimes with reason, and sometimes without. 


PREFACE. 


IX 


Now, if tliis kind of grumbling get into print, it 
naturally creates an idea that things are not so 
well carried on as they ought to be. Then there is 
another species of grumbler, who thinks himself so 
extremely clever that he can always point out what 
the fault has been, and with whom it lies. There 
can he no doubt that the public mind is very apt 
to catch its impressions from these not unpreju¬ 
diced complaints, and thus to become incapable of 
exercising its natural good sense and right feeling. 
These were the causes that gave weight to the 
cruel abuse of Lord Raglan, and to the grave 
imputations which were recklessly hurled against 
officers of the highest merit, who were faithfully 
discharging their duty under almost unequalled 
difficulties. That indeed was a period of national 
ingratitude, and ought to be a humiliating recol¬ 
lection. But a confirmation may he drawn from 
it of what always has been truly considered as a 
principle inherent in English justice, that accusa¬ 
tion is no proof; whenever this principle is disre¬ 
garded, the consequence will always he such as no 
honest mind can approve of. 

A war with China, of the justice or injustice 
of which there were different opinions, was com- 


X 


PREFACE. 


menced, but no great interest was taken in it. An 
inquiry was made into the Crimean war; but the 
result, being different from wliat the prevailing 
opinion had been, left only the moral that 

“ He that’s convinced against his will 
Is of the same opinion still.” 

But the Crimean war had not been without 
some influence on the public mind : it had brought 
forward into useful action a new form of female 
compassion in the excellent Miss Florence Night¬ 
ingale ; it had shown in the officers, soldiers, and 
sailors, more admirable fortitude under appalling 
difficulties than perhaps had ever been displayed, 
and that combined with an active courage and 
enterprise never surpassed. 

Lord Baglan was then remembered, with that 
antique courage the generous French appreciated, 
and that untiring kindness that made him beloved 
by our army and fleet. But when the Queen 
visited the wounded in hospital, and when with 
her own hands she bestowed the just rewards of 
valour, the whole nation caught the inspiration 
of the Sovereign’s virtues, and valued their brave 
defenders at their real worth. The country was 
only just beginning to enjoy the blessings of 


PEEFACE. 


si 


peace, when news arrived from India of the mu¬ 
tiny of the native army, not only to an alarming 
extent, hut one spreading with unheard-of rapid¬ 
ity, and to which no limit could he anticipated. 
In fact, our Indian empire was not only in the 
balance, hut with the weight preponderating 
against us. 

The Commander-in-Chief had died, hut fortu¬ 
nately there was here Sir Colin Campbell to replace 
him, and that officer started for his distant com¬ 
mand with no more preparation than if merely on 
an excursion to the seaside, carrying with him 
the universal approbation of this country to the 
appointment. The war which was raging in 
India was accompanied not only by the usual 
horrors which attend on warfare, but with atro¬ 
cities on the wives and children of our officers, 
soldiers, and civilians, at which humanity shudders 
and is silent. But that war, fearful as it was, 
elicited new proof of the valour of our troops, 
indomitable under every disparity of numbers, and 
victories were gained which seemed so dispropor- 
tioned as almost to be fabulous. Various names of 
officers became historical and swelled the long roll 
of British heroes. But England was animated to 


xn 


PREFACE. 


fresli exertion ; and as she poured thousand after 
thousand of her bravest troops into India, she re¬ 
cognised their claim to her regard in her inmost 
heart, and is animated now by every feeling to do 
them justice. 

At such a moment it ceases to be inopportune 
to bring into light a character endowed with 
those qualities of which heroes are made, that 
ardent desire of distinction which emulates but 
does not envy all that is bold or noble, and whose 
possessor, if his allotted course was short, at least 
was straightforward and undaunted in the path 
of honour. 


MEMOIR AND CORRESPONDENCE 


OF THE LATE 

CAPT. ARTHUR STORMONT MURRAY. 


My youngest son Arthur was born at Douglas, 
near Cork, in February, 1820. There was at the 
time snow on the ground, and in speaking of a 
beech-hedge the gardener told me that “it was 
entirely burnt by the frostthe cold weather, 
however, seemed to be genial to the little stranger, 
who, born with an Irish constitution, throve well. 
The country house which I hired at Douglas was 
pleasantly situated; it stood on a hill of gentle 
ascent in the midst of rather park-like ground, 
though of small extent; the entrance was by a 
lodge gate, past which ran the road from Cork 
to Carigoline, and on the other side of that road 
was a much larger seat of Mr. Newenham’s, 
called Maryborough, in the park of which he 
kindly allowed me to ride. 

The village of Douglas was small, but much 
more populous than it looked. There was a 

B 




2 


TILLAGE OF DOUGLAS. 


Protestant church, and the clergyman, the Bev. 
Mr. Donovan, and his lady were kind and hos¬ 
pitable. 

Mr. Penrose and his sister had a small but 
pleasant residence near the village, and nowhere 
could persons more amiable be found than they 
were. The disposition of Miss Penrose was of 
great kindness, and she had a frankness, refine¬ 
ment, and sincerity of manner which made her 
good sense the more acceptable. But to enume¬ 
rate that neighbourhood would only be to record 
its hospitality. 

The look-out from our house at Douglas was 
very pretty: a view over villas ; over the distant 
water—scenery that had rather too much con¬ 
trast with the actual poverty of the cottages in 
the village. But there, as elsewhere in Ireland, 
was to be seen a people whom want cannot 
depress, or deprive of the characteristics of many 
a noble quality ; and even these, our poorer neigh¬ 
bours, had always something friendly or droll to 
say to us. 

The head-quarters of the 18th Hussars, which 
I then commanded, were at Cork. The environs 
are beautiful, but the barracks are perched on 
the top of a steep hill, and, looking down on an 
extensive prospect of water, are tantalized by an 
awkward deficiency of water for the troops. 



THE NURSE’S PETITION. 


3 


The selection of this bad eminence was rightly 
or wrongly attributed to a job ; and that species 
of arrangement by which the many were incon¬ 
venienced for the advantage of the few was, if 
current report can be believed, no very unusual 
event in the former history of Ireland. 

A few months after the birth of the little boy I 
was driving from Cork homewards and rather fast, 
when a. respectable-looking elderly woman rushed 
forward and threw herself on her knees in the 
road. I instantly pulled up. The petitioner had 
been Arthur’s monthly nurse—nurse tender, as 
they call it in Ireland : her son had enlisted, and 
she wished to get him off. I believe that I was 
able to accomplish this for her, but it could be 
only for the moment, as he was determined to be 
a soldier. 

It is many years since that time, and the con¬ 
dition of a soldier has so much improved since 
then, that it is to be hoped that there is no 
longer the same repugnance to it in popular esti¬ 
mation. This poor woman’s energy in urging her 
petition had the warmth of feeling which is pecu¬ 
liarly Irish, and seldom fails to be accompanied 
by a natural eloquence equally national. 

Whilst we were at Cork Miss O’Neil came 
there and acted several times, and we had the 
good fortune to meet her at Lady Cliatterton’s 


4 


DEATH OF GEORGE III. 


and make lier acquaintance; she was as unas¬ 
suming in society as she was admirable on the 
stage. 

In Juliet her youth and beauty particularly 
adapted her to the character; hut, though these 
attributes doubtless had some influence on opinion, 
I preferred her in Mrs. Haller (in the ‘ Stranger ’) 
even to Mrs. Siddons, for the impression she gave 
was as truthful and more feminine. 

Fashion has almost discarded the English stage; 
but as a mirror of life, of human passion, and 
human action, how far is it before the Italian 
Opera, with the charms of music and all the 
meretricious ornaments of unreal splendour ! 

An event about this time took place which, in 
the remotest parts of the empire, gave a painful, 
and, strange as it may appear, an almost unex¬ 
pected shock—the death of our good King 
G-eorge III. 

Bemoved from the public sight for so long a 
time by his affliction, he was hallowed in the 
thoughts of his people by his well-remembered 
virtues. His power, like all earthly things, had 
passed away, hut his worth still lived, and yet 
heats, in the hearts of the loyal. 

The welfare of the loyal is the welfare of the 
country; the two interests cannot he separated. 
How different were the purposes of Thistlewood 



THISTLEWOOD’S CONSPIRACY. 


5 


and liis associates ! tlieir element was anarchy, 
their objects riches and power, their course mur¬ 
der and treason. 

But Providence revealed their dark designs, 
and they received the just reward of their villany 
from the hands of public justice. 

How much of misery has been saved to the 
people of this country by the execution of those 
conspirators—whose watchword was Liberty, but 
whose intention was the hardest of all tyrannies, 
the unlimited power of the vile and flagitious ! 
Whenever a revolution takes place great crimes 
and great cruelties are committed, and a vast 
amount of suffering has to be endured by the in¬ 
nocent, and by those who have in no way contri¬ 
buted to the event: I confess, then, I have no 
coincidence in opinion with those liberal ideas 
that contemplate a revolution as merely a slight 
fever in the system, which is to usher in a change 
to a healthier constitution. 

It more resembles the irruption of a volcano, 
which spreads waste and devastation around; and 
though in time vegetation may again rise through 
the blackened surface, how much the lava has 
overrun and destroyed of that which was beautiful 
and precious ! 

The foregoing was written before the late 
atrocious attempt on the lives of the Emperor 



6 


SIR WALTER SCOTT. 


and Empress of the French—an outrage of almost 
unheard-of wickedness and cruelty ; and yet be it 
observed that this reckless and indiscriminate 
carnage, at which every better feeling recoils, was 
only the first step contemplated in the revolution : 
then, as a necessary consequence, what rapine, 
oppression, and blood were meant to follow ! 

The institutions which the wisdom and virtue 
of ages have established can only be maintained 
by the principles that gave them birth, and 
science in this age has made a much greater 
advance than principle. 

At Douglas I received a letter of recommenda¬ 
tion from a gentleman whose son had just been 
appointed to a cornetcy in the 18th Hussars. 

It was odd that, from the turn of the letter, I 
seemed to be very well acquainted with the writer 
of it, and yet I had no intimate friend of the 
writer’s name—“ Walter Scott.” When the truth 
broke upon me as a sudden light, it was from 
the author of ‘ Waverley.’ Many times after Sir 
Walter Scott used to correspond with me relative 
to his son; but in these letters, which were more 
or less of detail and reference to business, I could 
trace no identity. Still this circumstance the 
more confirmed me in my original opinion. His 
first letter was addressed to a stranger, and had 
for its object to make a favourable impression on 



YOUNG WALTER SCOTT. 


7 


him in regard to the writer’s son, and, therefore, 
was written with more care. 

It will he observed, too, that before that 
time the author of ‘Waverley ’ had published 
‘ Guy Mannering,’ in which there are several 
letters. 

If a few verses are repeated of Moore’s or of 
Scott’s, how easily we recognise the author! and 
as in poetry, in a less degree we perceive in prose 
the peculiar manner of the writer. 

Be that, however, as it may, many times 
afterwards I heard it positively asserted that 
Sir Walter Scott was not the author of the 
Waverley novels; but the contradictions never at 
all shook my faith in my original opinion. 

Walter Scott, when he joined us, was a stalwart 
youth, and soon showed his strength, activity, and 
resolution, by walking from Cork to Fermoy and 
back by dinner-time; winning his match, which 
was for some trifling bet, so narrowly, that the 
clock was striking as he re-entered Cork Barracks. 
He gave me an edition of his father’s poems, 
which I still possess. It is one with a very good 
engraving of Sir Walter Scott, from a picture by 
that excellent Scottish artist Baeburn. There 
was a time when one almost felt as if one could 
not get through the year without a couple of the 
Waverley novels ; and when they ceased, it caused 


8 


REGIMENTS DISBANDED. 


a void in innocent amusement and interest which 
has never been since supplied. 

The general impression left on the mind after 
the perusal of one of Sir Walter Scott’s novels 
was always favourable to virtue; it was a picture 
of nature, giving its lights and darker shades, hut 
never giving that false colouring which makes 
vice splendid and alluring. His great charm 
was a certain candour which made you delight in 
his companionship, and made you partake of the 
legends he delighted in, the romantic scenery 
which he surveyed with a poet’s eye, the recollec¬ 
tion that fell hack upon the distant past. Nor 
should it he forgotten that he conferred an im¬ 
portant benefit on his own country; he showed, 
in all its wild beauty, her romantic features of 
mountain, forest, and impetuous torrent, and, 
not less to he admired, the hardy Scot, in every 
clime, invincible and faithful to his chief. 

It was decided that two regiments of ca¬ 
valry should he reduced, and, consequently, the 
18th Hussars and the 19th Lancers, which stood 
in the numbering of Light Dragoon regiments 
the two lowest, were reduced. Both the 18th 
and the 19th were regiments of distinguished 
service. They were at Newbridge Barracks at 
the period of their disbandment, and in the 
highest order and efficiency—the one under my 


THE EIGHTEENTH HUSSARS. 


9 


command, and the other under that of Colonel 
Henry Wyndham. It was a painful circumstance 
to witness the disbandment of two such regi¬ 
ments. The uniform of the 18th was blue with 
white facings and silver lace, and with fur caps; 
the shabracques were of a lighter blue, and 
the uniform was generally considered handsome, 
though not overloaded with lace. The men were 
rather tall, but light, and of what might be 
called not only a soldier-like, but a gentleman¬ 
like appearance, and their behaviour was re¬ 
markably good. They rode very well. Their 
horses were younger than was desirable, hut it 
was a fault gradually diminishing ; on their 
return from service their old horses were pretty 
much worn out, and those which were drafted 
to them from other regiments were even more 
worn out than their old ones. Therefore a 
great part of the horses were bought since 
the regiment had been in Ireland. These, 
from want of proper nourishment whilst young, 
had not the form or substance, though often 
they were as well bred as Yorkshire horses; 
but, after they had been some time with the 
regiment, they began to furnish, and, having 
action and good shape, would have been fit in a 
short time to have vied with the horses of any 
regiment. 

b 3 


10 


THE EIGHTEENTH HUSSARS. 


A word or two may be said for the men. No 
regiment was calmer under fire, nor any more 
spirited or adventurous in attack. As, during 
the campaign of 1815, I almost always slept in 
the same field in which the men were in bivouac, 
I can assert that they were quiet, well behaved, 
alert, and ready to turn out at a moment, and 
I heard no grumbling; in fact, they were always 
disposed to be kind and obliging. When the 
disbandment was in progress, and the men had 
their discharges, and it might be thought that 
discipline was at an end, I never found them 
more respectful and more obedient than they 
were at that time. I had the satisfaction to hear 
that, when they entered afterwards into other 
regiments, they proved good soldiers. Many of 
them entered the 4th Light Dragoons, then 
commanded by the late Sir Charles Dalbiac, an 
excellent officer, and went to India; lie spoke of 
them most highly, and promoted several to be 
non-commissioned officers. But, when reductions 
of regiments take place, it is a serious thing; I 
have reason to believe that His Royal Highness 
the Duke of York regretted the disbandment of 
the 18th Hussars. And I am certain that it re¬ 
quires years to create in a regiment that degree 
of discipline that carries on its economy on an 
assured principle of progressive improvement, and 


INDICATIONS IN YOUTH. 


11 


that esprit de corps which is the essence of its 
efficiency and fame. 

It is interesting to trace through childhood 
the lineaments of a character which has matured 
to some distinction. The indications in youth 
of natural disposition form a much surer guide 
to the conjecture of character, than those forms of 
cerebral development that carry out the theories 
of the phrenologist. It is true that in some 
remarkable instances there have been a lassitude 
and inaction in early life, which gave no promise 
of future energy ; but these may be considered 
as exceptions to a rule rather than involving 
any positive rule in themselves. Whilst the 
features of the face are undergoing a constant 
change through childhood, those of character 
may be frequently influenced by circumstances, 
but seldom or never experience an entire altera¬ 
tion. 

We may not have remarked, or may not have 
attended to, indications of greatness in a youth 
who has afterwards attained to high distinction; 
but if we review our recollection of such indivi¬ 
dual, many trifling circumstances will be brought 
back to our remembrance, through which we may 
connect the chain of character from youth to age. 
For this reason, slight anecdotes of childhood are 
not altogether the frivolous stories of the nursery 


12 


CHARACTERISTICS OF CHILDHOOD. 


which some people suppose them to be. The 
child that is brave, candid, and kind will seldom 
grow up to manhood deficient in spirit, truth, 
and beneficence ; position and employment in 
life may foster those qualities or depress them, 
but they will still remain inherent and integral 
in the character. 

A little boy that I had not seen for some 
time came up to me, and, taking me by the 
hand, said, “You will be sorry to hear that I 
have been ill.” 

This perhaps caused a smile at the moment, 
but the child’s motive was not selfishness but 
sympathy; and so I thought it at the time, and 
I was right. 

The poor little fellow shortly afterwards died, 
and his last pleasure was having soup made for 
the poor. 

When we consider the various ills to which 
childhood is by nature exposed, and the still more 
numerous dangers and accidents which it heed¬ 
lessly incurs, we cannot but be sensible how often 
it must be sheltered under the wings of Provi¬ 
dence to survive—and yet we move and have our 
being among millions with less of admiration 
than when we survey the clocks and time-pieces 
at a watchmaker’s. 

We were sitting one night in the dining-room. 


ARTHUR’S NOCTURNAL RAMBLE. 


13 


which was on the ground-floor, a couple of white 
terriers were quietly resting, and all was still, 
when the dogs suddenly sprang up and went full 
cry to the door. 

I rated them and brought them hack. It was 
an unusual circumstance, for the servants could 
go in and out of the room without occasioning 
the slightest challenge; but one of us thought 
that there was a little noise at the door before 
the dogs barked. I therefore, shortly afterwards, 
went to the door, opened it, and looked out: 
there was nothing there—so I shut the door, 
came into the room, and sat down. 

We thought no more of the matter. A little 
later on the same night the housekeeper heard 
something at the door of her room, opened it, 
and there stood little Arthur in his night-dress. 
She thought that the child had walked in his 
sleep; and taking him, without speaking to him, 
in her arms, and wrapping him in a shawl, the 
kind-hearted Madeleine Sunier carried him up to 
the nursery at the top of the house, and put him 
to bed. The next day she asked him whether he 
recollected anything that happened to him last 
night ? To her surprise (for she had thought 
him asleep), he knew everything that had passed 
perfectly well. 

It seems that something had waked him, and, 


14 


ARTHUR’S NOCTURNAL RAMBLE. 


as he did not go to sleep again directly, he 
thought it would be more amusing to go down 
to us. Accordingly he got up and proceeded 
creepingly in the dark. 

Clifton Hall (where it happened) was an old- 
fashioned house, and on the staircase was a 
picture, larger than life, of King Charles XII. 
of Sweden; and, though it was too dark then to 
see him, for it was “the witching time of night/’ 
an imaginative child, such as this was, might well 
have fancied the hero, whom he was wont to gaze 
at in the picture by day, was himself there gaunt 
and grim, in his large jack-boots, his hair on end 
like quills of porcupine; but little the hoy cared 
for such superstitious fears ; alone and in the dark, 
except such scanty light as might he seen under¬ 
neath the door, he made his way to the dining¬ 
room door; there, when he tried the lock, the 
uncourteous reception of his friends Viper and 
Myrtle barred his entrance. He went then to the 
housekeeper’s room; hut there, when the door was 
opened, he was received in silence ; so, submitting 
himself to the different issue of his adventure from 
what he had expected, he allowed himself to be 
carried up to bed without saying a word. Such a 
pilgrimage in the dark would not have been a very 
pleasant undertaking even to a grown-up person, 
but it is rather an extraordinary one in a child. 


ARTHUR’S CHILDHOOD. 


15 


Arthur was at this time a very handsome 
little hoy—a fair complexion with a healthy tint, 
intelligent eyes, and hair which afterwards grew 
dark, hut was then of a golden colour; his 
features were more defined than usual at that 
early age, hut yet without being formal, and his 
smile had something between mischief and good¬ 
nature, which was very engaging. He was 
playing one day in the garden, and fell head 
foremost into the water. It was not very deep, 
but he could not get up, and might have been 
drowned. The governess was so frightened that 
she could only call for help ; but his little sister 
seized him by the frock, and, with affection 
above all fear, held him fast till assistance came. 
At another time a dog bit him in the face. I 
sucked the blood from the wound; but the acci¬ 
dent was an anxious and distressing one until it 
could be ascertained that the dog was not mad. 

From a very early period in life there were 
two quite distinct characteristics in his dispo¬ 
sition, but they somehow blended very happily 
together. The one was a readiness to seize and 
enjoy whatever was humorous or comical; the 
other, a serious turn of reflection that delighted 
in poetry and in noble actions, and seemed to 
partake of their inspiration. Possessed of an 
excellent memory, he soon became a pleasant 



16 


ARTHUR’S CHILDHOOD. 


companion, and liis conversation, grave or gay, 
was always of interest. 

When Arthur was a child, he said to me one 
day—“ Papa, I should like to he in a battle.” 

“ Ay, hut if you were wounded ?” 

“ I would tear my robe” he answered; “but I 
would not cry.” 

This was the saying of a child, but the spirit 
of it was carried out at Bloem Plaats, for I was 
told that when he had been wounded, and his 
arm shattered, he proposed that it should be 
taken off, saying, “ It will not give you much 
trouble, for I am thin.” 

His talents almost from childhood were of a 
superior order, so that, notwithstanding his vola¬ 
tility and excessively high spirits, he seemed 
without effort to have an intuitive facility : music 
he caught by ear*—whilst playing, and perhaps in 
mischief, in the school-room, it not unfrequently 
was found that the lessons others were learning 
remained on his recollection. 

Enjoying everything in the way of gaiety and 
fun, there was a graver vein of thought and feel¬ 
ing which was in the depth of his disposition. 
Perhaps he was not amenable to the improvement 

* His talent for music was sucli, that, if he once heard an air at 
the Opera which pleased him, he could remember the tune with 
sufficient accuracy to sing it over, and enable another person to play 
it on the pianoforte. 


ARTHUR'S CHILDHOOD. 


17 


which, may be drawn from continued hard reading, 
but when a subject interested him he would read 
with great perseverance, and was very reluctant 
to quit his book—almost too much so at times; 
for air, exercise, and recreation are all elements 
of the rational training of youth. 

Arthur used from a very early age indeed to be 
my companion at breakfast; I read to him Shak- 
speare, Sir Walter Scott’s poems, or the Waverley 
novels, &c.; something, in short, that gave a bias 
to his mind, and afforded us both topics of con¬ 
versation. His cleverness, his excellent memory, 
and his lively and sensible disposition, made this 
a pleasant task, and, as I hope, no unprofitable 
one to him; for as people insensibly acquire pro¬ 
vincial idioms, so did he, without his being aware 
of it, gain a natural expression in better language 
and in higher thought than is usual at his age. 
In fact, he gained this so insensibly, that he 
became, before I was aware of it, from a clever 
and intelligent child, a boy of precocious sense 
and judgment, whose opinion was often deserving 
of consideration. Like myself, he was very fond 
of reading Boswell’s 'Life of Johnson,’ a book 
no one can read without advantage. Everything 
in this most entertaining and instructive work 
was familiar to him, and he felt in full force the 
quaint expressions and sterling judgment of the 


18 


CHESTERFIELD’S LETTERS. 


great lexicographer. I do not know any moral 
work from which more wisdom is to he gleaned 
•—none in which virtue is made more unaffectedly 
attractive. I know not how often I have read it, 
but I can begin upon it again and again, and 
never find cause to regret its reperusal. 

Lord Chesterfield’s ‘ Letters to his Son 5 have 
often been recommended as affording very useful 
knowledge of the world, but they are not well 
adapted to form the character or direct the con¬ 
duct of a youth who has yet that knowledge to 
acquire. I will not say with Dr. Johnson that 
his lordship inculcates the manners of a dancing- 
master with the morals of a harlot, but certainly 
he allows a very large margin for immorality, and 
draws a fluctuating line for integrity; the best 
manners will not excuse failure on these two 
points, which is irreconcilable to a character void 
of offence, and to a course of conduct through life 
worthy of the esteem of others. 

But it may be presumed that the tone of society 
is very much improved since Lord Chesterfield’s 
time ; the advance of education, the wider range 
of knowledge, have dispelled much of the mist 
which formerly obscured the distinction between 
right and wrong; and the press has contributed 
no slight moral correction to social as well as 
public conduct. 


EARLY STUDIES. 


19 


Disease and crime have been found to result 
from darkness in the dwellings of the poor, and, 
in as great a measure, vice becomes the inmate of 
the houses of the great, whenever the light of 
public opinion is most carefully shut out. 

I do not think that Lord Chesterfield’s Letters 
were recommended by me to Arthur, though it 
is possible that they might have * been read by 
him. Books on heraldry and military memoirs 
were among the first that engrossed his attention. 
His reading was desultory, and objection may he 
fairly taken to that which is not a regular course 
of study ; but as in animal nature we find the 
greater health and strength acquired on variety of 
food, so probably the human intellect is the more 
fully developed by the change of thought elicited 
from different pursuits.* 


* I subjoin an imperfect list of 

Montfaucon (l’Antiquite Expli- 
quee). 

L’Encyclopedie (articles relating 
to Military matters, Fortifica¬ 
tion, Tactics, &c.). 

Caesar’s Commentaries. 

Xenoplion (Retreat of the Ten 
Thousand). 

Vegetius (Military Institutes). 

Frontinus (Stratagema). 

Punic Wars. 

Hannibal’s Passage of 
the Alps. 

Arrian. 

Timour’s Institutes. 


the works referred to :— 

Suwarrow’s Campaigns. 

Harte’s Life of Gustavus Adol¬ 
phus. 

Acllerfeld (Hist.de Charles XII.). 

Histoire du Prince Eugene. 

Marlborough’s Campaigns. 

Frederic II., Roi de Prusse (His¬ 
toire de Mon Temps—Guerre 
de Sept Ans). 

Montecuculi (Memoires). 

Vie de Turenne.—Conde. 

Memoires du Due d’Yorck (James 
II.), ecrits par lui-meme. 

Memoires du Due de Berwick, 
Merits par lui-meme. 


Livy 

Polybius 


Le 



20 


VARIETY OF PURSUITS. 


Lawyers give convincing proof that minds 
practised to bring conviction to others from evi¬ 
dence adduced in any direction in which it may 
he required, have a readiness of thought which is 
not common to other professions ; their know¬ 
ledge of the law is indeed the groundwork of their 
superior information, but their use of that know¬ 
ledge is strengthened and perfected by its ver¬ 
satility. Be that however as it may, Arthur, 
while yet a little hoy, had gained knowledge and 
reflection beyond the average, and that without 
losing in the slightest degree the joyous anima¬ 
tion which one delights to witness at that age. 
He possessed also that which is a valuable quality 
—truth. 

The first cause of a departure from truth is 
apprehension, and therefore the virtue is to be 
inculcated, not by severity, but by encourage¬ 
ment. 

Some one rode up to the Duke of York when 


Le Chevalier de Folard (Commen- 
taires sur Polybe). 

Rohan (Parfait Capitaine). 

Reveries du Marechal de Saxe. 

Le Marechal de Puysegur (l’Art 
Militaire). 

General Lloyd (History of the 
War in Germany, &c.). 

Sobieski (Traite sur l’Artillerie). 

Home’s History of the Rebellion 
in Scotland. 

Stedman (The American War). 

General Wolfe’s Orders. 


Jomini (Traite des Grandes Ope'- 
rations). 

L’Archiduc Charles (Strategic). 

Le Marechal Ney (Ordres). 

Kaussler (Atlas des Sieges et des 
Batailles). 

A small French work upon Ca¬ 
valry. 

Lallemand sur la Cavalerie. 

Okounef (Examen Raisonne des 
Trois Amies). 

La Baume—Campagne de Russie. 



PREVALENCE OF UNTRUTH. 


21 


tlie Derby stakes bad just been run for at Epsom 
to tell him that His Royal Highness’s horse had 
won. It had not seemed so to the Duke, upon 
which the person offered a bet to him that the 
horse had won. 

“ Ho, Sir,” said His Royal Highness, “ that 
would be to doubt your word.” 

If anybody will use a little observation he will 
perceive the prevalence of untruth, from whatever 
cause it may arise. I have known Arthur very 
comical in tracing the equivocations that people 
practise in order to disguise an untruth by telling 
what Sir Walter Scott calls a lie with a circum¬ 
stance. Some very good people do harm to the 
cause of truth by pushing it to an extreme. “ Hot 
at home” they consider a wilful falsehood; and 
“Your obedient humble servant” altogether as un¬ 
justifiable—not recollecting that the one is merely a 
conventional form of a man’s defending his house, 
which is his castle, from intrusion, and the other 
a civility only so understood. But truth cannot 
be too carefully guarded in habitual intercourse, 
as it is of the utmost importance to the well-being 
of society. Many circumstances may make a 
certain reserve indispensable, and there are ques¬ 
tioners whom it is very difficult to get rid of 
when they ask questions that they have no right 
to put, and with the intention of entrapping 


22 


TRUTH WITHHELD. 


you into saying tliat which is not in accordance 
with fact, or disclosing that which should not 
he known. Nothing hut some experience of the 
world will give a person a readiness of answer to 
get quit of embarrassment of this sort. Yet truth 
is sometimes erroneously withheld from a right 
motive. 

A brother-officer of mine was brought in at 
Flushing wounded : he was in great pain when I 
saw him just after he had received his wound, 
which was in the upper part of the thigh. The 
surgeon told me nothing could save him. He 
was taken to Middleburgh, and the officers of the 
regiment most kindly went to see him every day; 
but they made a strict rule amongst themselves, 
to which I would not subscribe (but painfully 
subjected myself to the imputation of inhumanity, 
and of want of feeling and consideration for him, 
through my absence), not to let him suspect that 
his wound was mortal. Mortification had be nun 
and was in progress: he laughed and talked in 
the best spirits, when one day his batman, seeing 
a sudden change come over him, said, “ Ah! Sir, 
pray to God.”—“Why should I pray?” said the 
poor officer ; “ what harm have I done ? ”—and 
died. 

Major Price was very exact about the truth. 
I heard him, about sixty years ago, relate some- 


STRICT LOVE OF TRUTH. 


23 


thing that he had heard said on a prevailing 
topic of the time. In what he mentioned there 
was an oath. On which Colonel Greville re¬ 
marked to Dr. Wingfield, one of the Masters 
of Westminster School—“ How exact in speaking 
the truth my friend Price is! yon may depend 
upon it he is quoting the very expression he 
heard, for he never swears” I was a schoolboy 
at the period, but it certainly gave me a greater 
impression of the importance of truth, seeing that 
Major Price was so deservedly esteemed for his 
integrity. 

Arthur had some turn for drawing, but he 
never cultivated it; he might make something of 
a caricature sketch, or scratch a position or move¬ 
ment of troops, with pen and ink; and I remember, 
when he was a very little boy, his drawing a 
sketch of the death of Marshal Ney, which at 
least had the merit of being original, and was not 
a copy from anything that he had seen; but I do 
not think that he was an admirer of pictures, 
except they were historical and on a subject that 
interested him, and it was rather on their subject 
that he liked to descant than on their execution 
as works of art. 

I took him when a boy to the exhibition of 
Baron Le Jeune’s pictures, a series of battle-pieces 
on the French campaigns : with these Arthur was 


24 


IMITATIVE TALENT. 


delighted, for they afforded him a large field of 
historical and characteristic remembrances. But 
he had taste in music, in poetry, in acting, in 
works of genius, in prospect, and in whatever 
called to mind thoughts of a noble and illustrious 
nature. 

He had a talent for imitation—I wih not call 
it mimicry, because it was entirely free from 
buffoonery, but one could recognise at once the 
voice, manner, and thought of the person of 
whom imitation was given. He used to teh a 
lively story well, for he did it concisely and with 
point. 

His power of reciting was very good, for his 
memory was so retentive that he never hesitated 
for the recollection of a word, and his genius so 
readily struck fire from a noble thought, that 
when he repeated it was like improvisation. He 
had great facility in writing, so that in the letters 
which are here printed hardly the correction or 
omission of a word occurs. 

People are apt to give themselves a habit, very 
difficult to be cured, of altering what they have 
written, with a view of improvement in composi¬ 
tion; but the object is seldom attained by this 
means; on the contrary, the darn is generally 
apparent. 

Arthur, when he wrote, was master of his sub- 


SELF-POSSESSION. 


25 


ject, and found no difficulty in embodying it in 
good language, which was liis natural mode of 
expression. 

Such quotations as sometimes may be found 
were so readily suggested to him by liis read¬ 
ing that they flowed without effort from his 
pen. 

From having been brought up with people 
older than himself he had the great advantage of 
not being shy ; not that he was forward or impu¬ 
dent, but that he did not feel embarrassed by 
awkwardness or afraid to enter into conversation 
with any one, of however high rank. 

And besides, he never put his light under a 
bushel. His great pleasure was to converse with 
an eminent person—that is to say, eminent from 
some superior qualities; and he easily gained the 
esteem of any such individual, who soon found 
that he was more than commonly sensible and 
conversable. 

I took him one day with me, when he was very 
young, to the Horse Guards, and left him in the 
waiting-room, and on my return to it found him 
in full conversation and great friends with a 
venerable general with white hair. 

He learnt much from his elder brother Henry, 
who to an excellent education had added in¬ 
formation and acquirements that made him 

c 


26 


MILITARY GENIUS. 


an improving companion to one very much 
younger.* 

To his mother and sisters he owed his facility 
in French, and that best training of the disposi¬ 
tion—the interchange of mutual kindness. 

Arthur was at Kenwood, and he gave us one 
morning at breakfast, in the exaggerated tone 
of French tragedy, a flight in eloquence of 
M. cle Chateaubriand, from the sublime to the 
ridiculous : — “ Je criai de toute ma force : 
Leonidas! Aucune mine ne x'epeta ce grand 
nom, et Sparte meme sembla h avoir oublie/’f 
Afterwards, when we were in another room, he 
recited, with the simple pathos of real feeling, 
Cowper’s flue ballad on the loss of the “ Koyal 
George.” And I think, on looking into a vo¬ 
lume of Jomini, he entered into questions of 
war with a facility and degree of information 
surprising at his age, so much so that my 
brother Lord Mansfield, whose own superior 
abilities made him a keen judge of the talents 
of others, said to me, “ Arthur is quite a military 
genius.” 

Dr. Johnson has said that children are always 
cruel. This is true to a certain extent—children 

* He was indebted for much instruction to Mr. Joseph Robinson, 
who used to come to Wimbledon for that purpose. 

t ‘ Itineraire de Paris a JeTusalem,’ seconde edition, tome i. p. 141. 


CRUELTY OF CHILDREN. 


27 


are cruel from tlieir ignorance of the pain they 
inflict on insect nature: a child pulls off the legs 
and wings of a fly, as he would pull a plaything 
to pieces, from sheer mischief, but he does not do 
this from cruelty, for he never thinks about it; 
and if he were told by any one whose opinion he 
respected, 

“ The poor beetle that we tread upon, 

In corporal suff’rance finds a pang as great 
As when a giant dies,” 

he would refrain from torturing the insect. 

But schoolboys are cruel from another reason, 
which is that they think that want of tender¬ 
ness is a proof of being manly. A bigger 
boy than themselves gives them a buffet, the 
schoolmaster whips them: in all these things 
they see a want of tenderness, which they try to 
imitate as an advance towards the manly character 
which they endeavour to attain. 

But though the anecdote that I am about to 
mention is but a little thing, yet it made me hear 
afterwards without surprise that Arthur on a 
march on service, on one of his men meeting 
with an accident which badly lamed him, dis¬ 
mounted, and, placing the man on his own horse, 
went on foot for the remainder of the day’s 
march. 

Wimbledon , 29 th July , 1829.—I think my 

c 2 


28 


ARTHUR’S GOOD ADVICE. 


little boy Arthur (nine years old) made a very 
pertinent observation to-day; and as I bold 
good advice to be good whencesoever derived, I 
think I shall abide by it. I said of the two 
terrier puppies that their ears were too long, and 
I thought that I should crop or round them. 
“ Why would you do so ? 55 said Arthur. I replied 
that “ the real fact was, that from a boy I had 
always seen terriers with short ears, and, there¬ 
fore, when I saw them now with long ears, it 
looked to me as something wrong and unnatural. 55 
He did not rejoin anything at that moment, but 
some time after, returning to the charge, he said, 
“ Pray, papa, don’t crop or round the terriers 5 
ears ; for, 55 he added, “ it will hurt them so. 55 I 
was obdurate. But he went on, “ Let their ears 
stay on, and you will be used to see them with 
long ears; and you say the reason to crop or 
round them is only because you have been used 
always to see terriers so : and if you let their ears 
stay on only a little while, it will be the same. 
You will dislike to see them with short ears, and, 
poor things ! it will save them a great deal of pain 
if you do not crop or round their ears. 55 This, in 
my judgment, is good and sound argument, and 
not only speaks a discriminating mind, but a 
feeling and right-placed heart. 

It was only lately that I found a scrap of 


ARTHUR IK YOUTH. 


29 


paper with the above memorandum, but so much 
was I impressed with the good sense of Arthur’s 
advice, that not only did these two puppies die, 
as old dogs, in my possession, with their ears 
uncropped or rounded, but in the numerous ter¬ 
riers I have bred since that time I have scrupu¬ 
lously kept their ears untouched. 

When Arthur was arriving at an age which 
allowed of his entering the service, I confess that 
I was sanguine in my expectation of his success. 

He was a little taller, but not much, than I 
was at the same age, and when also commencing 
the service. He was of very good appearance and 
of good health, intelligent and well-informed, and 
of that happy disposition that animates the indi¬ 
vidual to action and conciliates friends ; his 
manners were well-bred, he had a due sense of 
honour, loyalty, and patriotism instilled from his 
earliest youth, and that more than all-important 
impression of religious duty which alone is calcu¬ 
lated to insure a straight and undeviating course 
through life. 

But on the other hand he was a mere boy ; 
and, however amiable his disposition, yet with¬ 
out experience, without suspicion, without those 
colder and more calculating qualities of the un¬ 
derstanding which prove the safeguard of mature 
age. 


30 


ARTHUR’S DISPOSITION. 


How often do we look back with regret upon 
those unspoiled intentions with which we com¬ 
menced our career! Jaded with the past, if 
experience makes us sensible in the end how 
far good is preferable to evil, our feelings have 
become hackneyed—we never can again have 
the freshness of disposition which opens to youth, 
in all its beauty, the unsullied page of the 
future. 

There was one peculiar beauty in Arthur's 
disposition, that there was no mean feeling in it. 
I never heard him utter an unworthy sentiment. 
I do not intend to say that afterwards, when he 
grew up, his opinion might not sometimes be 
wrong; but there never was anything inconsist¬ 
ent with a high sense of honour and a noble and 
generous nature. Such a disposition is in itself a 
blessing; but when it is allied to superior talents, 
it possesses a charm and fascination to which few 
can be insensible. 

“ Fair laughs the morn, and soft the zephyr blows. 

While proudly riding o’er the azure realm 
In gallant trim the gilded vessel goes, 

Youth on the prow, and Pleasure at the helm ; 

Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind’s sway, 

That, hush’d in grim repose, expects his evening prey.” 

Gbay. 

Arthur was now to enter the army, which from 
the earliest period that he could form a wish had 


POLITICAL ATMOSPHERE OF EUROPE. 31 

been his hope and ambition. There is something 
very delightful in looking forward with a fresh 
mind, as yet unclouded by any reverse : diffi¬ 
culties fall away, and dangers seem to be as nothing 
before the eye of youth, whilst health and strength 
appear to give an inexhaustible supply of energy 
to meet every adventure. It was, then, with no 
common feeling of pride and joy that he watched 
the steps taken to obtain him a commission, and, 
partiality apart, he certainly was a recruit of 
unusual promise. His good qualities were to me 
of favourable augury, and if I anticipated his suc¬ 
cess they tended to justify my hope. 

Since that time much has occurred to create a 
more grave consideration of the profession of a 
soldier. Then, peace had experienced but little 
interruption, except in India, since 1815. Now, 
indeed, no one can enter upon the service without 
recollecting the casualties of the Crimea and of 
India, or without seeing in the lowering political 
atmosphere of the continent of Europe the menace 
of an approaching storm. To that struggle, 
whatever it may prove, every young soldier must 
now make up his mind; and when lie adopts the 
profession of arms should endeavour to qualify 
himself to discharge the duties that will devolve 
upon him with zeal and loyalty proportioned to 
their importance. 


32 


LORD HILL-LORD FITZROY SOMERSET. 


I may be allowed to say a few words of the 
officers on the Staff at head-quarters. 

No man ever attained to high honours more 
worthily than Lord Hill—no one ever wore them 
with more unassuming simplicity. 

Benevolence and integrity, rather than shining 
talents, were characteristic of him, and were the 
influences of his success. 

Lord Hill's instance is a proof how rich the 
harvest is when the seed falls on good ground. 

Lord FitzBoy Somerset was a man such as one 
can seldom hope to meet with again. 

Having great personal advantages—of appear¬ 
ance, of rank, of distinguished service, of superior 
talent—he never brought these to bear upon you 
in such a way as to depreciate you in your own 
estimation. 

Holding a situation of trust and responsibility, 
he had in fact the reserve which properly attaches 
to such a position, but he had a natural candour 
which put you at your ease with him without 
diminishing your respect. 

I never went to him without finding him a 
friend, or otherwise disposed than to receive me 
on the terms to which I believe I am entitled as 
an officer inseparably attached to the service, and 
never seeking to gain my object by any unworthy 
or indirect means. 



SIR JOHN MACDONALD. 


33 


I may say, for it is really fact, that it has 
happened to me several times to he anxious to 
obtain what he was not disposed to concede. 

But did my opinion change with that want of 
concession ? certainly not: I knew that he was 
acting on right motives, and whether they coin¬ 
cided or not with my own desire was a matter of 
no importance. 

Sir John Macdonald, the Adjutant-General, 
had the sterling qualities of steady perseverance, 
of enough pliancy to act with others and yet to 
maintain a consistent line of conduct, and the 
good sense and right feeling which enable a man 
to advance his own success without any compro¬ 
mise of principle, or loss of the esteem of others. 

He wrote with great facility and very well ; 
in society he might not have any particular 
claim to superiority; his conversation was very 
well, but no more. 

But in his office, on whatever subject was to be 
discussed, his information and good sense, given 
in the plainest language, were such as would 
afford afterwards useful helps to reflection. 

There was something very homely and honest 
in his character; and I am sure I may say it (for 
he always proved himself such to me), he was a 
true friend. 

It is a great advantage to the service when the 

c 3 


34 


THE DUKE OF YORK. 


staff situations at the Horse Guards are filled by 
such officers as I have enumerated ; and Sir 
Willoughby Gordon, who was then Quarter¬ 
master-General, was equally deserving of praise. 

It is not adulation to speak in these terms of 
men who have passed away. 

“ Can honour’s voice provoke the silent dust, 

Or flattery soothe the dull cold ear of death ?”— -Gray. 

But not only are the services of good men 
useful at the time of their performance, hut the 
memory they leave is the best incentive to zeal 
and usefulness in those who are to follow them in 
the path of duty. 

In the Duke of York’s last illness I had ridden 
up to town to make inquiry, and the intimation 
I received was that the last hour of His Boyal 
Highness was fast approaching; probably not to 
be delayed beyond that day. 

On my way home, as I passed through Chelsea, 
many things connected with the objects of the 
noble institution there forcibly brought to my 
mind the loss the service was about to incur. 

I could recollect the appointment of the Duke 
of York to the command of the army long before 
I had the honour to belong to it; and since I 
had been in the service I had seen institutions 
grow up in it, under his fostering care, and a 
magnificent branch of the power of this great 


THE DUKE OF YORK. 


35 


country acquire, if it did more than regain, its 
pre-eminence; but at all events Great Britain 
became unsurpassed by the most warlike nations 
of the world. 

But this was not all. I bad seen under bis 
auspices the condition and comforts of a British 
soldier raise him above the rank of life from 
which be was taken ; whilst by improved disci¬ 
pline be was placed on more than an equality 
with the best disciplined soldier of any other 
country. 

ISTor was this all. In countless instances I bad 
known His Boyal Highness, by the goodness of 
bis nature, by bis kindness and consideration for 
the least influential officer, induce all who did 
their duty to look up to the Horse Guards for 
favour and protection. 

And even bis imputed fault, adherence to what 
be believed to be right, leaned to virtue’s side. 

These qualities, wherever they shall be known, 
will raise a higher and more estimable memorial 
to the Duke of York than the Column of ques¬ 
tionable taste which records his name. 

I dined with the Duke of Wellington on the 
18th of June, 1832, to commemorate the anni¬ 
versary of the battle of Waterloo. 

That very morning (untroubled as he looked) 
he had been mobbed in the city of London! 


36 


SIR J. MACDONALD’S ADVICE. 


I witnessed liis funeral: could ingratitude be 
redeemed by a sorrow more sincere ? 

I was allowed to purchase a Cornetcy for Arthur 
in the 15th (the King’s) Hussars. 

And I may mention the kindness of Lord Hill, 
the General commanding in chief, and of Lord 
FitzBoy Somerset, the military secretary, in not 
only, very soon after my application to purchase 
a Cornetcy for my son in any regiment of cavalry, 
giving me an opportunity, but also in a regiment 
of the same description of service as the one I had 
myself for a long time commanded, and which 
for that reason was the more gratifying to me. 

In writing to my son from town to notify to 
him his appointment, I gave him this advice—to 
act, dress, and associate as an officer and a gentle¬ 
man ; and afterwards when I went with him to 
the Adjutant-General of the Forces, Sir John Mac¬ 
donald (one of the best friends I ever knew) gave 
him at some length excellent advice—to keep 
within his allowance, not to lend or borrow 
appointments, &c., to keep his barrack-room to 
himself—-that is to say, not to give that un¬ 
restricted ingress to every one that should prevent 
his occupying himself reading or writing, and 
which could only lead to idle habits without 
obliging any one. 

By maintaining this reasonable privacy, it 



EXPENSE OF OUTFIT. 


37 


would be a civility and a favour when he asked a 
brother officer to his room. 

If many years’ service gives me the privilege of 
experience, it is certainly in corroboration of Sir 
John Macdonald’s advice. 

In providing the horses and equipments, uni¬ 
forms, &c., for my son, I could not but be struck 
with the enormous increase of expense in all 
since I had to provide myself with my own 
equipment as a Cornet in the 16th Light Dra¬ 
goons in 1800. 

There w^as necessarily an increase in the expense 
of buying horses, since their value has risen almost 
in ratio to their intrinsic goodness having dimi¬ 
nished—which is much. 

However, I was able to purchase two fine 
horses for him, well-bred and of good action and 
strength. 

The expense of uniform and equipment, as com¬ 
pared with that of the time I have before men¬ 
tioned, was enormous. This, I confess, does 
appear to me a serious evil: expenses of this kind 
do not spring up at once, but are gradually 
allowed to come in, perhaps by small innovations, 
but always on that ruinous principle of altering 
something which does well for something which 
may do better. 

The experiment probably does not quite answer 


38 


CAVALEY UNIFOEMS. 


expectation, and the failure of course leads to 
further change with no surer results. 

A chimney-sweeper on May-day used to he 
gorgeous with gold-paper : George Selwyn said, 
“ I have often heard of the majesty of the people, 
and here I suppose comes one of the young 
princes.” 

Now certainly I have seen uniforms so bedi¬ 
zened, that the glitter of May-day would have 
been eclipsed. 

The prevailing feature in a uniform should be 
its peculiar fitness for the service to which the 
wearer of it is designed. 

But splendour can be made to shine forth only 
by contrast with that which is not splendid— 
as the lights in a picture would merely be dazzling 
without the shades, which relieve them from 
universal glitter. 

Simplicity may be made subservient to the 
beauty of a uniform; and I think in times long 
gone by the quietness of the dress of the 7th 
Light Dragoons, then commanded by Lord Paget, 
was much handsomer than the other regiments, 
which had overloaded their uniforms with lace. 
The 7th, when they became Hussars, added more 
lace, but, as I think, with disadvantage. 

I travelled with Arthur to Dublin, where he 
was to join. 


JOURNEY TO DUBLIN. 


39 


There could not be a travelling companion of 
more liveliness and intelligence. The number of 
Irish haymakers that we met, each troop of them 
under a man of better appearance and more re¬ 
spectability, and all so cpiiet in their demeanour, 
and so marked as belonging to another nation— 
the old Homan road—the column at Shrewsbury 
erected to Lord Hill — the mountain scenery 
through Wales—that wonderful work of art, the 
suspension bridge at Bangor—all afforded him 
the range of thought which new scenes offer to a 
well-stored mind; and there was the pleasing 
anticipation superadded of entering upon a service 
which had been his hope from childhood. 

But we had the good fortune to overtake in 
Wales General the Hon. Robert Meade, who, 
with the ladies of his family, was on his way to 
Ireland. This was a great delight to Arthur, for 
I had been the General’s aide-de-camp at the 
attack of Rosetta, and it was a pleasure to hear 
from him many of those particulars of service of 
which Arthur had been previously informed by me. 

Having marched with the 31st Regiment and 
a foreign regiment from Alexandria, and crossed 
from Aboukir to the Blockhouse, on the first 
night we took up a bivouac near the latter. 

In the night the advanced posts were disturbed 
by some mounted Turks or Albanians. 


40 


ATTACK ON ROSETTA. 


On hearing the firing General Meade ran 
down to the place, and found some of the advanced 
sentries of the foreign regiment falling back, and 
one of the mounted Turks firing; the flash showed 
us two or three of them in their white turbans 
and white dress. General Meade stopped the 
retiring sentries, and, calling to them in French, 
made them fire, aud the Turks rode off. We 
marched next day, and at night took up a position 
at the Tower of Abamandour—a height at a 
short distance from Rosetta—with our right flank 
to the river Nile, which the tower overlooks. 
During the night all was quiet. In the morning 
the troops proceeded to the attack ; as soon as an 
aide-de-camp was sent with orders to move some 
artillery, firing began from some gardens on the 
right. We advanced in two columns: the right 
column, with which was General Wauchope, 
through these gardens, which adjoin the river 
Nile; this column consisted of the 31st Regi¬ 
ment, and there was a pretty brisk fire as the 
enemy were driven from their cover and retreated 
to Rosetta. The left column, consisting of the 
foreign regiment, and a light field gun drawn by 
sailors, was commanded by General Meade; and 
as it passed along the lower ground towards the 
town, met with no interruption to speak of. A 
Turk came down and fired on the sailors (who 


ATTACK OK ROSETTA. 


41 


were drawing tlie gun) several times without 
wounding them, and a bugler got a musket and 
returned the fire of the Turk; until at last he ran 
away, leaving his slippers. When the left column 
got near the town, General Meade formed them 
in line; he with his aides-de-camp was some way 
in front of the foreign regiment as it advanced in 
good order. Word had just been brought to the 
general that the 31st had got into the town, when 
a pretty sharp fire most unexpectedly opened upon 
us, for those who fired from the houses were 
hardly, if at all, seen; but the effect on the 
foreign regiment was surprising: huddled to¬ 
gether like a flock of sheep, many of the men 
firing inconveniently enough to the officers in 
front, without seeing or knowing at whom they 
were firing, but none of them advancing until 
the fire from the houses ceased. They then got 
through some ruined buildings a little way into 
the town. I was not near General Meade at the 
moment when he was hit, but I saw that he was 
bleeding when I came up to him; a ball had passed 
just below the forehead, across the upper part of 
the nose, grazing the eyelid. He told me that 
he had been able to see after he was struck, so 
that the eye was not destroyed ; but unhappily it 
proved—though the surgeons thought otherwise 
at the time—that the sight was gone. Mean- 



42 


ATTACK ON ROSETTA. 


while the 31st Regiment worked their way 
through the town, and ultimately came out at the 
lower end of it,—fired on from the houses, and 
unable to return the fire effectively,—and ex¬ 
perienced great loss. General Wauchope had 
been killed. 

The 31st still kept up a heavy fire, though 
from its nature an ineffectual one ; their men were 
falling fast. No regiment could behave better, nor 
could any hardly be placed under circumstances 
more discouraging, for their ammunition was 
nearly expended. The detachment of artillery, 
who were working a field-gun, fared no better, 
being all wounded, but behaved equally well. 
The officers 5 horses, which had been left at Abou- 
kir when the troops crossed to the Blockhouse, 
now joined during the action. Some wounded 
foreign officers who had gone back to Abouman- 
dour were put to death by the Turks. The fire, 
which had been heavy from the upper or right 
part of the town, had intermitted, and the foreign 
regiment could not be induced to go into the 
town, though repeated orders were sent them. The 
regiment was drawn up in line fronting outwards 
from the town, but close to it; when a fire from 
the houses recommenced, ten or a dozen men fell 
whether wounded or not, but the regiment 
moved off steadily enough if allowed to proceed, 



"WOUNDED OFFICERS. 


43 


but ran, if ordered to halt, until they got out of 
musket-shot, and then they halted; their Major, 
an elderly man, did all he could, but in vain, and 
was quite exhausted. 

As the 31st was now left alone, it was neces¬ 
sary to withdraw it; and the troops accordingly 
returned to Alexandria. General Meade, who 
was quite disabled, and suffering severely from 
his wound, was put on a camel and conveyed 
down to the river, and put into a boat belong¬ 
ing to His Majesty’s ship “ Tigre.” In the 
morning we had to go out of the river Nile, 
to take the wounded officers (General Meade and 
Mr. Eowan Hamilton, a mate of His Majesty’s 
ship “ Tigre”) on board the men-of-war ; a very 
amiable young officer, Lieutenant Clifford (now 
Sir Augustus Clifford), was in command of the 
boat—the Tigre’s yawl. General Meade, in a 
suffering state, but with perfect patience, lay at 
length in the boat; and Mr. Eowan Hamilton 
(since Captain E.N.), one of the finest and hand¬ 
somest young men that could be seen, shot 
through the foot, from which he always after¬ 
wards suffered, lay also in the boat. That excel¬ 
lent officer and kind-hearted man, Captain Hal¬ 
lo well, of the “ Tigre” (afterwards Sir Benjamin 
Hallo well Carew), and Lord Burghersh (now the 
Earl of Westmoreland), went, rather taking the 


44 


GENERAL MEADE. 


lead, in tlie Captain’s gig. As we crossed the 
Bogas or bar of the Nile, a terrible surf was boil¬ 
ing over it: the countenances of the boat s crew 
showed that they thought it an awful moment, 
but they pulled steadily. Once the boat, as it was 
supposed, touched, but we passed safely over the 
bar, and took General Meade on board of the 
“ Apollo,” where every attention was shown him 
by Captain Fellowes, who commanded her. Of 
General Robert Meade I may be allowed to say 
a few words—a slight return of gratitude for 
much kindness. He was a very amiable and gen¬ 
tlemanlike man, an active and good officer; and 
I must say that it gave one a higher opinion of 
human nature to see the same individual per¬ 
fectly calm, though daring and energetic, under 
a very heavy fire, and both by example and 
orders doing all to insure success—and then 
to see that individual, a very handsome man, 
disfigured; that is to say, disfigured to those 
who do not see the highest beauty in honour 
—suffering acutely, and that without a sigh of 
complaint or any interruption of his habitual 
kindness. 

There is reason to think that the town was at 
one time taken, and that, though a desultory fire 
might be kept up from the houses, its garrison 
had left it and passed over to the opposite side of 



REFLECTIONS ON THE ATTACK. 


45 


the river Nile. I know that this was General 
Meade’s opinion, and his information was likely 
to be good; and that it was only on the foreign 
regiment declining to take any further part in the 
action that the garrison returned to defend the 
town. 

If the attack had been made with unloaded 
muskets, although the foreign regiment would 
have been disconcerted by coming unexpectedly 
under fire, the men would have rallied and gone 
on; but whilst they had the means of firing, it 
checked their advance and exposed them to more 
casualty, and after a time they were convinced 
that they were firing to no purpose. The con¬ 
struction of the houses particularly favoured per¬ 
sons firing from the windows ; and supposing the 
ground floor of a house to be broken into, it by 
no means followed that there would be a direct 
communication that way to the rooms above, the 
real entrance to which might be in another street. 

The 31st Begiment, having got into the town, 
and having its right flank to the river Nile, 
should have established itself in that quarter of 
the town. Aboumandour should have been held, 
and the heights which are intermediate between 
that and Bosetta. But as it was, the 31st Begi¬ 
ment, having entered the town with its right 
flank to the Nile, concluded its very brave 


46 


REFLECTIONS ON EXPEDITIONS 


exertions, having no communication with that 
river. 

The loss of the foreign regiment was as 
severe as that of the 31st, which shows that 
hesitation in advancing under difficult circum¬ 
stances gives no security; and the same re¬ 
giment served very gallantly and well in the 
Peninsular war, which proves that discipline is 
the essential element in the conduct of troops. 
At the time the 31st Regiment was withdrawn, 
we had no communication with Aboumandour, 
which was in possession of the enemy; nor was 
there in fact any part of the town then in the 
possession of any of our troops, so that a severe 
loss had been experienced by us without our 
occasioning any but a very slight one to our 
unseen opponents. But what will show that 
these Albanians are individually sometimes des¬ 
perate men, one of them alone attacked a party 
of the 31st, and was bayoneted. 

This expedition, and a subsequent one sent 
to Rosetta, which, though better conducted, was 
attended with still more disastrous consequences, 
were detached from Alexandria under the belief 
that the latter would be subjected to famine if 
it had not possession of Rosetta, as securing sup¬ 
plies. When both these expeditions had failed, 
and Rosetta still remained in the hands of the 


AGAINST E0SETTA. 


47 


enemy, it was found that Alexandria could he 

i/ 

supplied without any danger of the famine which 
had been predicted. If there were error in the 
attack of Rosetta, General Wauchope had re¬ 
deemed it by his death; and he was a man who 
bore authority with so much moderation, that 
there was only one sentiment of regret at his 
loss—no one blamed him ; and deep sympathy 
was felt for General Meade. The race is not 
always to the swift nor the battle to the strong; 
and if those persons who pronounce such sweeping 
condemnation upon all failures were aware how 
much contingencies, that cannot he controlled, 
influence for good or evil the events of battle, they 
would he disposed to take a more candid view. 

In this attack, it will he observed, the first in 
command was killed, the second in command was 
so severely wounded that he could no longer give 
directions; the command then devolved on a 
young Lieutenant-Colonel, who fought his regi¬ 
ment until the ammunition was nearly expended, 
and did not withdraw his men, though under a 
killing fire, until he had sent to General Meade, 
stating the facts, and then brought them off in 
perfect order. 

On our arrival at Dublin we found that the 
15th Hussars were on their march to Newbridge, 
to which place we followed them. 



48 


ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN. 


It was Arthur’s good fortune to enter the 
service under the command of Colonel Badcock 
(now Major-General Sir Lovell Lovell), an officer 
of much more than ordinary distinction, and 
equally amiable as an individual. The respect 
that the young Cornet could not hut immedi¬ 
ately entertain for such a commanding officer 
made him to his dying day consider him as a 
friend. 

Sir Walter Scott, then Major of the 15th Hus¬ 
sars, always took a kind interest in my son. And 
in Lieutenant Home Drummond, Arthur found 
the great advantage of a friend more nearly of his 
own age, hut yet possessing a ripened judgment 
that rendered him a safe and agreeable com¬ 
panion to an inexperienced youth. 

When Arthur’s horses were disembarking they 
had to pass along a plank from the ship to the 
quay. The oldest horse passed it without hesi¬ 
tation, hut the younger one refused to be led 
over the plank. 

The late Lord Clonmel said to the groom 

o 

who had charge of them, “ You had better get 
on him and ride him over.” 

“ Do you think so, my Lord?” answered the 
man (who had been second coachman to the Duke 
of Wellington), mounted the young horse and 
rode him over the plank, which, just as the 


REV. ARCHIBALD CATHCART. 


49 


horse’s last liind foot quitted the board, broke— 
no harm happened. 

In many things I witnessed a vast improve¬ 
ment in Dublin since I had been there in 1821, 
an improvement which we may hope is still in 
rapid progress, as in everything else that can 
contribute to the welfare of Ireland. 

Another friend Arthur met with at Newbridge, 
Lieutenant Duperier, who had been my Adjutant 
in the 18th Hussars in France and at Waterloo, 
and whom I first knew as a most active and 
intelligent Hussar when Serjeant-Major of the 
10th Light Dragoons, of which I was a Lieutenant 
in 1801 at Hounslow. 

In Ireland there was little else to record whilst 
Arthur was there. The regiment returned to 
England, and was quartered at Leeds. Near that 
town my uncle and excellent friend the Hon. 
and Eev. Archibald Cathcart had the living of 
Kippax. His inclination would have made him 
enter the army if his father had allowed him—for 
his father and two elder brothers, the late Lord 
Cathcart, who commanded the army at the cap¬ 
ture of Copenhagen in 1807, and Colonel the 
Hon. Charles Cathcart, who died on a mission to 
China, had all been officers of distinction—but it 
was otherwise determined; and if a most amiable 
disposition, the unostentatious but sincere and 

D 



50 


LORD CATHCART. 


conscientious discharge of his clerical duties, and 
the greatest resignation under affliction can qua¬ 
lify a man for the important office of a clergy¬ 
man, all these he had; hut certainly his vocation 
was military. 

Once, when threats of invasion prevailed, and 
when even clergymen were allowed to enrol 
themselves in the Volunteers or Yeomanry Cavalry, 
it cannot he doubted he was one of those who 
caught the enthusiasm of the moment. Nay, 
more, he wrote a book for the instruction of 
Yeomanry Cavalry, and presented it to Lord 
Cathcart. “ Thank you, my dear Archy,” said 
his Lordship, who had a great deal of natural 
fun, “but I have such a collection of unread 
sermons that I must beg not to add to their 
number yours, which I have no doubt is very 
good, but which I shall not have time to read.” 

It was, therefore, with no slight satisfaction 
that my uncle Archy hailed the arrival of liis 
godson Arthur in his neighbourhood, and was 
boundless in his hospitality and kindness to him. 
This led to another great advantage, which was 
that the Rev. Mr. Cathcart’s report to his brother, 
Lord Cathcart, who was then in Scotland, was so 
favourable that he was invited to Cathcart, and 
ever afterwards was treated by that excellent 
family with a kindness that never can be forgotten. 


LORD CATHCART. 


51 


In fact, some years afterwards, when Arthur 
received at Devonport intelligence of Lord Cath- 
cart’s death, his colour changed, and he was 
distressed to a degree that was remarkable in one 
above all simulated griefs. 

The late Lord Cathcart was a man of as much 
energy as I ever knew, a line horseman, an excel¬ 
lent officer. To use the words of a Trench 
Emigrant Officer who had served under him, “ Mi 
Lor Cathcart est un galant homme , il donne him 
a manger; cest un tres bon offider, il donne d’excel¬ 
lent vinC But another officer, himself one of 
great distinction, the late Lord Vivian, who, when 
in the 28th Regiment, had served under him, told 
me that as they advanced against the enemy 
in action they came under a very heavy fire. 
“ Where,” said Lord Cathcart to the commanding 
officer, “where is your band, Sir? now is the 
time for it to play.” It was impossible for an 
officer to behave better than Lord Cathcart did on 
that occasion, Sir Hussey Vivian added, or inspire 
the troops with greater confidence from his talents 
and intrepidity. 

It was a day or two after the battle of Waterloo, 
and what led to Sir Hussey Vivian talking of 
Lord Cathcart was that his son, Lieutenant the 
Hon. George Cathcart (the late Sir George Cath¬ 
cart), then aide-de-camp to the Duke of Welling- 

d 2 


52 


LORD CATHCART. 


ton, liad had, I remember, three horses shot under 
him at Waterloo. 

The 15th Hussars were afterwards moved to 
Scotland, and were stationed at Glasgow: as this 
was within an easy distance of Cathcart, Arthur 
was a very frequent guest; nothing could exceed 
the kindness of his reception, and he not only 
became a favourite of Lord Cathcart’s, but had 
the great advantage of conversing on military 
subjects with one so well acquainted with them 
all, and who, from the cleverness that he pos¬ 
sessed in no ordinary degree, was calculated to 
impress them upon an ardent and retentive 
mind. 

Lord Cathcart delighted in hospitality, and was 
particularly so disposed towards officers, but he 
was at that period of advanced life which brings 
some of the infirmities of age, and prevents, often 
unavoidably, such receptions. An officer who was 
dining there for the first time saw a family por¬ 
trait of a soldierlike-looking man, who wore a 
black patch under one eye. Lord Cathcart had 
the manners of a finished courtier, and a really 
kind disposition, but he was used to command, 
and could be stern, no man more so, and he had a 
deep voice. 

“ Who is Patch?” said the officer, looking at 
the picture. 


BATTLE OF FONTENOT". 


53 


Patch,” said Lord Catlicart, “ Sir, is my 
father.” 

The officer felt very much as if he had touched 
a lion too familiarly. 

On the 30tli of April, 1745, the battle of Foil- 
tenoy was fought between the allied armies of 
England, Holland, and Austria, under the com¬ 
mand of the Duke of Cumberland, and a superior 
French army under Marshal Count de Saxe. 
Here the advantage of the day was to the French; 
the Duke of Cumberland left his sick and wounded 
to the humanity of the victors, and Louis XY. 
obtained the mastery of the Netherlands. 

The battle was commenced with the formal 
politeness of a court minuet. Captain Lord 
Charles Hay, of the English Guards, advanced 
from the ranks with his hat off; at the same 
moment Lieutenant Count d'Auteroche, of the 
French Guards, advanced, also uncovered, to meet 
him. 

Lord Charles bowed: “Gentlemen of the French 
Guards,” said he, “fire ! ” 

The Count bowed to Lord Charles. “No, my 
Lord,” he answered, “we never fire first!” 

They again bowed: each resumed his place in 
his own ranks, and, after these testimonies of 
“high consideration,” the bloody conflict com- 


54 


LORD CATHCART AT FONTENOT. 


menced, and there was a carnage of twelve thou¬ 
sand men on each side .—New Monthly Magazine , 
March, 1820. 

Lord Cathcart (my maternal grandfather) was 
aide-de-camp to the Duke of Cumberland at that 
battle of Fontenoy. 

“ Cathcart,” said the Duke, “ they have marked 
you;” and so they had. A musket-ball had 
struck him under the eye, and he was ever after¬ 
wards obliged to wear a black patch. 

Whilst Arthur was in Scotland he also became 
acquainted with, and was much noticed by, the 
present Lord Cathcart,* who at that time was 
commanding the forces in North Britain • and 
who, in a “ family of warriors,” was one of 
meritorious service and distinction. 

All these valuable friends and relations with 
whom Arthur became so much connected contri¬ 
buted to his improvement. 

* Charles Murray, second Earl Cathcart, G.C.B. This excellent 
officer, who devoted a long life to the service, is now numbered 
with the dead. He is worthily succeeded, and has left a reputation 
for acknowledged talent and high honour. He did not succeed to 
large possessions—to fortune, which so often flies like chaff before 
the wind; but he inherited a name conspicuous amongst the loyal 
and brave ; and not only did he keep that name unsullied, but 
added to its lustre by a life unremittingly devoted to public duties, 
which he discharged with acknowledged talent and integrity, par¬ 
taking in various service of many military achievements of the 
highest order. Even his brief intervals of leisure proved that the 
bent of his mind was usefulness, for he employed them in the 
pursuit of science. 


OFFICERS IN BARRACKS. 


55 


Whatever withdraws a young officer from a 
constant and uninterrupted association with his 
regimental mess, and places him with other and 
estimable society, by giving occasional change of 
thought, does him infinite good. 

The corps of officers that he belongs to have, 
no doubt, intrinsically excellent qualities ; but at 
the same time, when officers have no other society 
than among themselves, they have frequently opi¬ 
nions of a very prejudiced and limited range ; 
and, living together without intermission, they 
are apt to be on terms of familiarity which even¬ 
tually prove anything but conducive to harmony. 
They also have a great deal of unemployed time 
in garrison, and idleness leads to dissipation and 
irregularity. 

When a young officer is invited from this to 
society for whom he has respect, and in whose 
company he must observe good behaviour, he 
hears opinions by which it is his own fault if 
he does not improve, he acquires habits and 
manners of more refinement, and he returns to 
his duty with the regiment possessing more tact 
and knowledge of the world, and therefore better 
enabled to pursue in his profession a more sen¬ 
sible line of conduct. 

About this period there arose a question as to 
Arthur’s purchase of a lieutenancy; and also a 


56 


PURCHASE OF A LIEUTENANCY. 


very current report of the 15th Hussars going to 
India. 

Service in India was at that time a very dif¬ 
ferent one from what it would be now. 

In regard to subsequent promotion it was 
considered disadvantageous. The habits also in 
that country led to inordinate expense, and the 
climate was unfavourable to the unconfirmed con¬ 
stitution of a growing youth. 

This, in the first instance, caused hesitation as 
to purchasing a lieutenancy for Arthur in the 
15tli Hussars ; and when it had been purchased, 
on its being determined they were to go to India, I 
was induced to exchange him into infantry, with 
the promise that he should be afforded an opportu¬ 
nity to return to cavalry, which I thought better 
suited to him. 

By the kindness of Lord FitzRoy Somerset, 
Arthur was exchanged from the 15th Hussars to 
the Rifle Brigade, and he was appointed to the 
first battalion, and joined them at Weedon. 
When I saw them under arms at that station, 
commanded by Colonel Hope, I must say that 
I never saw any corps that equalled them—so 
well appointed, so handsome, though so quiet 
a uniform, and an admirable body of men. 

Many of the officers I then became acquainted 
with, and the corps generally; and in various 


LIBERAL OFFER. 


57 


campaigns have proved that no admiration could 
exceed their merit, or can now surpass their 
renown. 

It may, perhaps, be remembered, that, when 
both were children, Arthur fell into the water 
at Clifton and was saved by his little sister till 
assistance came. 

When a lieutenancy in the 15th Hussars was 
to he purchased for Arthur, I received from her 
the following letter :— 

“ My dear Papa, 

“ You will he surprised at receiving a note 
from me, but I have something to say which I 
prefer writing to any other way of communi¬ 
cating it to you. 

“ Knowing the difficulties that exist in case of 
your being able to effect an exchange for Arthur, 
you must allow me to say that, if you can make 
any sort of use of it for that purpose, the 500/. 
left me by Mr. Churchill is entirely at your dis¬ 
posal. 

“ Though of course I do not flatter myself that 
this sum is all that would be required, it might 
at least go some way towards it, and I am sure 
there is no use it could ever be put to that would 
give me greater pleasure. 

“ Indeed, from the moment I had it, I resolved 

d 3 


58 


LIBERAL OFFER. 


to apply it to some such purpose if an opportunity 
should offer, so that it is not the resolution of a 
moment’s consideration. 

“ Nobody except yourself need ever know any¬ 
thing about it, and especially not Arthur, as it 
might annoy him, though indeed it would he 
without cause, for, as I did perfectly well before I 
had it, I should do equally well again without it. 

“I should consider it as the greatest possible 
favour and mark of esteem if you would agree to 
this proposition. At all events, I hope you will 
not be offended at the liberty I have taken. 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Daughter, 

“ Gertrude L. Murray. 

“ Monday, January 21st. 

“ Perhaps you will be so good as to let me 
have a written answer.” 

I did not avail myself of the proposal, but I 
expressed to her how much in truth I felt grate¬ 
ful for the generous and modest offer. 

The same unselfishness which made her en¬ 
danger herself in saving her brother from the 
water, would equally have influenced her spon¬ 
taneous and noble gift where his interest was so 
importantly concerned: the bond of mutual affec- 


RIOT AT BIRMINGHAM. 


59 


tion such as this makes the humblest family 
strong, the absence of it the proudest family weak. 

Whilst Arthur was at Weedon a riot took 
place at Birmingham, and he was sent there after¬ 
wards on duty. A disturbance had been expected 
at Birmingham, of which it is said that the ma¬ 
gistrates had timely intimation, yet they withdrew 
themselves, and thereby took from the inhabitants 
the protection the troops who were in the town 
would have afforded, but which they could afford 
only under the authority of the magistrates. In 
the Bullring houses were gutted and furniture 
destroyed, &c. The rioters so little expected to 
be left to their own inventions that they were at 
first undecided in their mischief, and hesitated in 
their work of devastation, hut, being left to do 
what they pleased, were encouraged in their vio¬ 
lation of the law—all this, he it remembered, 
being within immediate reach of the troops, who 
could not interpose without a magistrate to sanc¬ 
tion their interference. Thus was Birmingham 
worse used, the Duke of Wellington said, than 
any town he had ever seen taken by assault. This 
assertion was cavilled at by his opponents at the 
time as if it had been an exaggeration, but seen 
in its proper light the meaning is obvious. On 
the capture of a town, so soon as any order can 
be restored, safeguards are placed, and property is 



CO 


EGLINTOUN TOURNAMENT. 


protected. But liere, at Birmingham, houses and 
property were given over to lawless destruction, 
whilst the wilful absence of the magistrates vir¬ 
tually withheld all safeguard. 

I do not know from whom Arthur derived the 
opinion, hut he returned from Birmingham very 
much impressed with respect for the abilities of 
Sir Charles Napier, who had a command some¬ 
where in that part of the country; and on the 
news of the wonderful and repeated victories of 
Sir Charles being known here, Arthur was pleased 
in recalling to my recollection the opinion that he 
had formerly expressed to me before Sir Charles 
had gone to India. 

Arthur went to the Eglintoun Tournament, as 
squire to Captain Gage, of the Bifle Brigade. It 
was a most magnificent fete, given by a very 
popular and hospitable nobleman: nothing was 
wanting to its success but better weather. I was 
told, however, by a gentleman who had been 
there, that the finest things he saw were the calm 
demeanour of the Scottish people whilst standing 
exposed to a pouring rain, and the admirable 
manner in which Sir Francis Hopkins sat his 
horse, which plunged with the utmost violence, 
through some of the equipments having got dis¬ 
ordered. 

Lady Seymour (now Duchess of Somerset) 


LOUIS NAPOLEON. 


61 


was very appropriately selected as the Queen 
of Beauty. Lord Waterford, whose recent death 
is so deservedly lamented, was said to he the 
knight that looked best. Prince Louis Bonaparte, 
now the Emperor of the French, was there, and 
spoke kindly to Arthur, whose mother and sisters 
he knew; the impression that he gave was that 
of a very good fellow, for, having attempted some 
tour de force on horseback, in which, from being 
out of practice, he did not succeed, he good- 
naturedly joined in the laugh that the failure 
created. 

Little was thought at that time how great a 
man was in reserve ! 

How far fetes such as that at the Eglintoun 
Tournament are useful may he doubted, as giving 
an impetus to trade, but certainly they occasion 
great expense that might be better employed. 
Not at all referring to the expense of the journey 
there, travelling of the horse, &c., I made this 
remark afterwards to Arthur : “ Observe how much 
cheaper sense is than nonsense; my tailor’s bill 
for a year’s decent dress is 27/. odd; yours, for 
two or three days’ grotesque, 77/. 4s.” 

Upon this principle, notwithstanding very ami¬ 
able solicitation, I afterwards refused leave for the 
officers under my command to wear any other 
dress but their uniform at fancy balls, which, as 


62 


LORD ANGLESEY. 


far as ornament is concerned, is certainly hand¬ 
some enough for the occasion. 

But those who would from their youth have 
been inclined to run into such expenses might be 
dependent on parents of no great affluence, and 
who are doing their utmost in defraying the 
requisite expenses for their sons in the army. 
Why should these parents be impoverished by 
encouraging their sons in idle extravagance, 
eventually, perhaps, to their ruin? can that be 
for the good of trade ? 

Arthur bought at Birmingham a rifle, which 
caused a severe, and might have occasioned a fatal, 
accident. When firing it at target-practice, the 
nipple flew off and wounded him in the forehead. 

Sir James Chatterton was so kind as to take him 
with him as an acting aide-de-camp when he 
went to inspect a corps of Yeomanry. This gave 
him the opportunity of being introduced to Lord 
Anglesey, to whom, from having served under 
him, I was known. Arthur returned in admira¬ 
tion of Lord Anglesey’s riding, which, as he said, 
I had not overpraised. 

Happily formed by nature for a horseman, no 
one ever had a more graceful seat, even after he 
had lost his leg. Bank, station, fortune, appear¬ 
ance, fashion, gave him adventitious claims to 
popularity, hut Lord Anglesey had qualities which 


EXPECTED BREVET. 


63 


would always have intrinsically entitled him to 
regard. I have every reason to speak of him in 
these terms, from the opinion of those who knew 
him best, and from my own experience of his 
unvarying kindness, and not the less from having 
seen him under fire at Waterloo. 


[Received, Wimbledon, 4th Nov. 1839.] 

“ Mr DEAR Father, “Birmingham, Nov. 4th, 1839. 

“.I am sorry to hear a 

report that Philipps’ * ship, with some of the men 
on hoard, had been in great danger, and that they 
had been obliged to throw over some of their 
live stock. This, I trust, is only a report. Every 
one seems to expect a Brevet on the Queen’s 
marriage. I hope it will open a few commands. 
Greenock is certain to be moved, so I hope you 
will be in the way of getting something. I should 
think General Sleigh would be promoted out of 
his situation, and if there were a chance of that I 
should think you might get it. We had rather 
an absurd thing here the other night. Some of 
the party went and got Ibbetson’s horse out 
of the stable after mess, and the whole party 

* Major Philipps of the 15th Hussars—at this time on his way 
out to India. 



64 


ACCIDENT TO A HORSE. 


marched up stairs, horse and all, and took him to 
his master’s room to pay him a visit in bed, to 
the latter’s no small surprise. 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-General the Hon . Henry Murray .” 


[Received, Wimbledon, 9th June, 1840.] 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Weedon Barracks, June 7th, 1840. 

cc 

“ I am sorry to say that a most annoying acci¬ 
dent has happened to the brown horse. He 
slipped his collar about a night or two ago, and 
amused himself with eating all the green forage 
(vetches, &c.) that he could find ; and as there was 
the forage of several people in the stable, it can 
have been no small quantity. Being already fat, 
he of course was blown to an immense size when 
found next morning; but nobody would have 
minded that, had he not run the point of a pitch- 
fork, which was standing in one corner of the 
forage stall, into his heel an inch or more. 
The village farrier swears that it has run into the 
tendon that covers the coffin joint, and that, un¬ 
less immediately blistered, the wound will cause 





ACCIDENT TO A HORSE. 


65 


permanent lameness. Sullivan’s groom, who has 
been bred up in a training stable, and who 
knows a good deal about horses, says that he has 
examined the wound and that he does not con¬ 
sider that there is any danger of that as yet. I 
had the horse bled the moment I heard of the 

accident. He had a hot 

bran poultice immediately put on the wound in a 
stocking, which is continually kept hot with 
water, as fast as it cools. To-morrow I shall give 
him a dose, and I have ordered the carpenter to 
make his stall and the next one into a temporary 
loose box, by removing the bale and planking it 
up all round. I have also had the shoes taken 
off, so that I think I have done all that I can. 
If you can recommend anything, I should be 
much obliged to you. 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray. 


“ The point appears to have entered the foot 
just above the heel, as it were in the cleft of the 
heel, but a little higher up. The only way I can 
account for it is that the horse, feeling himself 
pricked, jerked his foot upwards and so caused 
the point to enter.” 



60 ATTEMPT ON THE QUEEN’S LIFE. 

[Received June 15, 1840, Wimbledon.] 

“ Weedon Barracks, 

“ My DEAR Father, “ June 14th (Saturday), 1840. 

cc 

• •*•••••• • • 0 •••••••« • •• 

The horse is better, and in fact I expect him to 
be cjuite well in a few days. I am sorry to see 
by the papers that outrage has arrived at such a 
pitch in the country that, in the course of a few 
weeks we read of two most tremendous murders 
and an attempted assassination of Her Majesty. 
I sincerely hope the scoundrel will be hanged as 
he deserves. I should think that even in the 
present day, ministers will hardly attempt to let 
him off. I am in hopes that it will be a lesson to 
the people who advocate the pardon of crimes of 
an aggravated nature, to see the extent to which 
they may be brought by such encouragement. 
But people seldom mind these things till they are 
brought to their own door, and perhaps this last 
crime may open their eyes a little. The Queen 
appears to have behaved with the usual courage 
of her family, but it is enhanced, on the present 
occasion, by being displayed in a woman, particu¬ 
larly in her present situation. I am glad to see 
her popularity is increased. 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 


“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray 



THE “FOUNTAIN” AT CANTERBURY. 


67 


[Received, Eastwell Park, Aug. 21st, 1840.] 

“ Albion Hotel, Ramsgate, 

“ My dear Father, “ Aug. 19th, 1840. 

“According to my promise, I lose no time 
in reporting my arrival here to you. I slept at 
Canterbury last night at the Fountain, and found 
your friend Mr. Wright in very great preservation. 
He was extremely civil, and requested that I 
would sit in his sanctum sanctorum instead of 
the coffee-room; and although he will talk in a 
melancholy manner about you and my mother, 
‘ your poor dear father, &c.,’ although he knows 
that you are both (to use the expression) ‘ alive 
and kicking,’ I assure you he was extremely 
entertaining. He entered upon the subject of 
the great people in Kent, and said of Lord Win- 
chelsea, ‘ Ah, Sir ! what a fine fellow that cousin 
of yours is! by G-— he’d fight a windmill by 
himself!’ Pray tell him this, for it will amuse 
him. It certainly amused me, for nothing can be 
truer than the observation. He is a great admirer 
of the King of Belgium, who tells him in his 
amiable manner, ‘ Ah, Mr. Wright, I cannot pass 
your way very often, for dere is such a long sea 
voyage, and de steamer is so rough, and I do get 
so sick, dat it kills me ven I get home again.’ I 
assure you I was highly amused with all these 
little ‘ historiettes,’ which were interspersed with 



68 


VISIT NEAR CANTERBURY. 


observations upon you and my mother that were 
quite ‘unique. 5 I have been recommended to 
this hotel by my friends of the Fountain (I suppose 
as a person with whom the silver spoons are 
sometimes to be trusted, and the forks not always 
to be chained to the table). This morning I 
walked over to call on Mr. Baker, near Canterbury, 
whom I found at home, e tutta la sua bella famiglia. 
They gave me luncheon, as was very meet and 
right for them to do, I having walked all the way 
from Canterbury to see them. I must now con¬ 
clude, as I have ordered myself to be called early 
to go and dip myself before breakfast. With 
kindest regards and remembrances to Lord 
Winchelsea, 

“Believe me 

“ Your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ The Duke was expected to pass through Can¬ 
terbury this evening. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray 


[Received, Wimbledon, 15th Sept. 1840.] 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Ramsgate, Sept. 14, 1840. 

“ Many thanks for your letter. I would 
have written sooner to thank you for your appli- 



SPANISH SLAYER. 


69 


cation to Colonel Hope for an extension of my 
leave, but tliere was no post yesterday. 

There are very few people I know staying here 
at present. There was a Spanish brig in the 
harbour a short time ago, which was supposed by 
all the old sailors to be a slaver, and I was much 
amused by watching the movements of her crew, 
the most cut-throat looking set I ever had the 
good fortune to meet with. I won the Skipper’s 
heart by giving him a cigar. He was a sort of 
fellow whose face would have hanged him. I was 
told that this ship would hold about 240 slaves. 
She went out of harbour yesterday; and if the 
Harbour-Master had not made them lower the 
jib-sheet, it would have been knocked to pieces 
against the pier, for they set every sail they had, 
upon the principle ‘ set a beggar on a horse,’ &c. 
They had been so long in harbour that they were, 
to use the coachman’s expression, ‘mad with 

glory’ when they got out. Colonel S- and 

Colonel H-, who was staying here, got into a 

furious argument the other evening upon the 
respective merits of Sir J. Moore and the Duke. 

Colonel S-defended Sir J. Moore, and behaved 

with great moderation, but the other rather lost his 
temper, and used some expressions which I thought 
a little too strong, although not meant as personal 
to Colonel S-. Captain S-, seeing that 







70 


MILITARY DISPUTE. 


it looked squally, with proper seamanship retired 

to bed; but after some time, when Colonel H- 

had retired, Colonel S-asked m6 my opinion 

upon his language, and I said that, although I 
thought it rather too strong, it was not meant as 
personal to him, and I should, if I were him, say 
nothing about it. However, when I was just 

tumbling into bed, in walked Colonel S-> and 

asked me as a favour to go to Captain S—— and 

ask him his opinion, which I did; S-- had the 

same opinion as myself, and we laughed a good 
deal upon the subject; but on my return to the 
Colonel I succeeded in appeasing him, and he 
confessed that he had the same opinion himself; 
so I brought back the parties to a status quo ante 
helium. 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-General the Hon . Henry Murray 


[Received, Wimbledon, 5tli Nov. 1840.] 

“ My DEAR EaTHER, “ Weedon Barracks, Nov. 4th, 1840. 

“ The left wing, which I belong to, 
marches on Monday to Euston Square by rail¬ 
way, then on their feet to Deptford through Rus- 








FROSPECT OF WAR WITH FRANCE. 


71 


sell Square and over Waterloo Bridge. They 
will be commanded by Saumarez, who is a capital 
fellow, and will, I dare say, give us leave to run 
up to town next day, if we like it. My mother 
talked of coming to Wimbledon, but I do not 
know whether she will or not. 


Mary Cathcart wrote me two letters, giving me 
all the Scotch news, and saying that Lord Cath¬ 
cart says he means to write me a long letter, but 
has put it off so often that she was afraid of its 
not arriving before I sailed. She therefore very 
kindly wrote herself. Norcott,* who has just 
had a letter from his brother, who is a lieutenant 
in the Austrian service (in Lichtenstein’s Hus¬ 
sars), says that there are 30,000 men in bivouac 
previous to the grand reviews in Italy, but that, 
being first for service, this corps d’armee is 
awaiting with great anxiety the news from the 
f as touching a war with France. This 

looks something like work. For though this 
corps is ostensibly assembled for a review, 
they evidently expect to be actively employed. 
The German contingents are said to be as¬ 
sembling on the Bhine. So are the Russians. 

* Then of the Rifle Brigade, now Colonel Norcott, whose conduct 
in the Crimea was mentioned with much distinction by Lord Raglan. 

t Here the MS. is torn. 




72 


EMBARKATION OF THE RIFLES. 


So that if we do go to war with France we shall 
have plenty of allies. 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 

** Major-General the Eon. Henry Murray. 

“ PS. I have made up two parcels of books 
to be sent to Wimbledon : one contains amongst 
other things that volume of Alison’s History 
given me by Lord Cathcart, which I should wish 
to be taken care of. I have also sent my tin case 
containing letters, &c.; and at the top of these is 
another book that was a present from the same 
quarter.” 


When the Rifle Brigade were to embark on 
board of the “Abercrombie Bobinson” at Deptford, 
Arthur’s mother and sisters, elder brother, and 
myself, went to Blackheath, and remained there 
until the transport sailed. I saw them march 
down for embarkation. Arthur came to us, to 
what, in fact, was the “ Green Man ” at Black- 
heath ; but which, not having been there before, 
he thought had been the “ Green Man and Still,” 
and sportively called, “ L’homme vert et tran- 
quille .” 



DUTY ON BOARD. 


73 


Colonel Hope kept his officers strictly on 
board, which was but a necessary act under the 
circumstances; he was good enough to allow 
Arthur to come to us, but for the above reason 
we were prevented from having the pleasure of 
receiving other officers of the Rifle Brigade. 


[Received, Blackheath, 11th Nov. 1840.] 

“ Abercrombie Robinson, 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Wednesday, 11th Nov. 1840. 

“ It is perfectly out of the question for 
any of the rest of my brother-officers to dine at 

Blackheath to-day, as.the Colonel will 

not allow less than one officer per company to re¬ 
main on board, and the Captains have no chance 
of leave. 

“ So that, although Bussell, Sullivan, Warren, 
Ebrington, and I, intended to have come, we 
cannot do so. It is possible, but not likely, that 
I might get leave to go and dine with you this 
evening, but do not wait dinner for me. It is quite 
out of the question that any of the rest will come ; 
and they all begged me to explain, particularly 
Russell, that it does not rest with them. 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

e 





74 


DEPARTURE OF THE RIFLES. 


“ We sail either to-morrow or next day. I am 
on duty to-morrow, so there is no chance of my 
coming on that day. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray .” 


The last evening that Arthur came to us he was 
in the highest spirits, and most entertaining; he 
had been reading a little French hook, ‘Mon¬ 
sieur Jabot,’ which he recollected from begin¬ 
ning to end, and everybody must have wit¬ 
nessed the fund of amusement a clever person 
can draw out of a slight work by playful illus¬ 
tration. 

The transport sailed, and a letter of his gives 
the account of a painful accident that occurred 
soon afterwards. 


[Received, Wimbledon, 21st Nov. 1840.] 

“ Abercrombie Robinson (off the Lower Hope), 
“My dear Father, “ Nov. 20 th, 1840. 

“ We have had another accident, which 
will detain us at least a week or ten days longer 
before we sail. Yesterday afternoon we had 
sailed very slowly from Gravesend, and had 




FATAL ACCIDENT. 


dropped anclior here, when we were roused out of 
the cabin by a brig running foul of our bowsprit. 
The Colonel, Warren, and myself, with one or 
two more, were in the cabin at the time, and 
Warren, who saw the foremast of the brig just 
touching us, called out, that ‘ there would be a 
smash.’ I ran out immediately and found people 
in great confusion on deck, and of course had 
some difficulty at first in finding out what was 
the matter. It appeared that a common river 
barge, with two men and a boy on board, was 
passing across our bows at the time that the brig, 
a short distance astern of her, was holding the 
same course. There was plenty of room for the 
brig to have gone round outside of the barge; 
but it appears there is a continual difficulty on 
the river in consequence of the merchant brigs 
wishing to get the barges to make way for them, 
and the bargemen refusing to do so. The barge 
had got clear of our bows when the brig came on, 
and by her superior speed soon came into a posi¬ 
tion so that she could not avoid striking the 
barge or us. The barge, after getting clear of us, 
had altered her course, and the consequence was 
that the brig, being rather afraid, I suppose, of 
our superior size, kept on her course and struck 
the barge amidships. The barge instantly heeled 
over and went down at once. When the brig had 

e 2 


76 


DETAINED IN THE RIVER. 


done this mischief she came against our bowsprit, 
and her foremast, running foul of it, snapped 
it asunder, and the two ships remained locked 
together. 

“ One of the poor fellows from the barge 
floated past our starboard side, holding his hands 
up above the water. We lowered the larboard 
boat in hopes of saving him, but the tide carried 
him far out of their reach. The boatswain’s 
mate stripped and jumped over after him; but 
was obliged to get into the boat, as it was of no 
use. None of the rest of the crew of the barge 
were ever seen after the accident. We could see 
the poor fellow who rose some time after with his 
hands, and sometimes his head, out of the water; 
but it was hopeless to think of saving him, and 
the distance ashore was too far even if he could 
have swum. The loss of our bowsprit will detain 
us full a week or more; and the question is 
whether we go to Sheerness or remain at anchor 
here; but if you write, you had better direct 
to Gravesend in case of the latter. This was 
a most melancholy accident, and particularly 
as they say the bargemen always have their 
wives and children on board. When I saw the 
barge she was completely keel upwards. I hope 
the skipper of the brig will be tried for it, as it 
was decidedly his fault. The agent says we must 


APPOINTMENT AT DEVONPORT. 


77 


go back to Gravesend. With best love to all at 
home, believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-General the lion. Henry Murray .” 


At Malta Arthur met Lord Lynedoch, who took 
great notice of him, and was to have given him a 
letter of introduction to Marshal Eadetzky. 

He subsequently obtained leave to go on an 
excursion to Syria, and made a journal, which 
was lost, that I have no doubt would have been 
entertaining. 

On my appointment to the command of the 
Western District in 1842,1 was allowed to make 
him my aide-de-camp, and he joined me, to my 
great satisfaction, at Devonport. 

The following letter reached me not long 
before his arrival:— 

[Received, Devonport, 19th May, 1842.] 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Seville, May 3rd, 1842. 

“ As I have not yet had an opportunity of 
writing to congratulate you upon your appoint¬ 
ment to a command, and to thank you at the 
same time for your appointment of me as your 
aide-de-camp, I take this opportunity of doing 



GIBRALTAR. 


78 . 

so, not, however, being certain whether this letter 
will reach you, as the conveyance it goes by is 
rather doubtful. I started from Gibraltar by the 
‘ Polyphemus ’ steamer a few days ago after I re¬ 
ceived your letter, and the first conveyance, in fact, 
by which I could have sailed. We had to wait a 
few days at Gibraltar, and Sir A. Woodford was 
excessively civil and hospitable (as usual) during 
my stay there. He requested me to dine every 
day at the Convent with him when I had no 
other engagement, and young Woodford and his 
brother did the honours of the place to me very 
well. I was present at two garrison field-days 
while there : one on the Alameda, and the other 
at the Neutral Ground. The General lent me 
one of his horses for the first, and I rode a little 
Arab belonging to Henry of the 48th at the 
second, which was much the best. The former 
field-day put me up to a few things which may 
be useful to you when I join you at Plymouth, to 
which place I am very glad to hear you are going 
instead of Limerick; for, besides being a more 
important command, I think the mild climate of 
the west of England will be more likely to suit 
Gertrude. I know the Government House at 
Devonport, and think you will like it very much. 
Sir A. Woodford recommended me to stay a few 
days at Cadiz and come on by the next steamer, 


CADIZ—CHICLANA. 


79 


and I had arranged so as to do so, and go on by 
the c Braganza,’ which starts in a day or two. I 
dined at the English Consul’s at Cadiz, and found 
them very civil indeed. He is father to the Mr, 
Brackenbury whom my mother will, I think, re¬ 
member meeting at Canterbury in our way up 
from Hover. The daughters are almost Spaniards, 
having lived so long in this country, and play 
beautifully on the guitar. I had a letter given 
me by Charles Woodford, while at Gibraltar, to 
Mr. Macplierson, a gentleman staying at Cadiz, 
so that X found my sejour for the few days I 
was there very agreeable, as he was my cicerone 
while there. As I did not change my mind about 
starting home by the ‘ Braganza ’ till afterwards, 
I rode out with Macplierson about three days 
ago, in the afternoon, to Chiclana, in order to 
visit the field of Barrosa, which is no great dis¬ 
tance from Cadiz. We had a very pleasant even¬ 
ing ride along the narrow peninsula, or strip ol 
land which joins Cadiz to the Isla de Leon, a 
large sort of island, which is in its turn separated 
from the mainland by the Santi Petri creek or 
river, which, running in the shape of a half-moon, 
falls into the Bay of Cadiz, and connects it with 
the Mediterranean. We slept at Chiclana, which 
we reached soon after crossing this river by a 
floating bridge. Here Macplierson fell in with a 


80 


BARROSA—A BULL-FIGIIT. 


man whom he knew, a merchant staying in Chic- 
lana for his health, and, as he was well acquainted 
with the ground, we persuaded him to ride on to 
Barrosa next morning with us. After starting 
early next morning, and galloping for a short 
time through the fine woods that fringe the great 
plain, and through which the army was marching 
immediately previous to the action, we arrived on 
the plain itself, and soon reached the ground of 
the actual combat, with which I was rather dis¬ 
appointed, as the strength of the French position 
did not appear to me as great as I had fancied it; 
and the ravine which defended it was nearly filled 
up. We rode about for a few hours and then 
turned back to Chiclana, which we reached in 
time for breakfast, after which we remounted and 
rode back to Cadiz, a distance of about thir- 
teen miles, which, adding the fourteen which 
the ride to Barrosa and back makes, made a very 
pleasant morning’s ride. We got into Cadiz at 
about two o’clock the same day, and, after dress¬ 
ing and dining early with the Macphersons at 
three, I went with him to see a grand bull-fight 
in the Plaza de Toros at four o’clock. The arena 
was not so well filled, they told me, as usual; but 
it appeared to me that there was a large number. 
Montes (the best Matador in Spain) was there, 
and two others named Diaz (brothers). When 


A BULL-FIGHT. 


81 


we first entered, Montes had just killed the first 
bull, and the whole place shook with applause. 
The usual form was gone through with each bull. 
First, the Picadors, mounted on the most miser¬ 
able horses they can find, which, poor brutes! are 
the victims of this amusement, engaged the bull 
with lances, or rather goads, attended by a 
number of Chulos, or men on foot, with flags of 
different colours, which they flourish in the bull’s 
face, and divert his attention from the Picador 
when, as usually happens, he is upset, horse and 
all, by the bull. One very large brown bull, when 
he was first let loose, upset, at his first rush round 
the arena, two Picadors in succession, killing 
both their horses. He then vented his rage on 
the people placed above him in the arena, and 
tried ineffectually to get at them ; he then spilt 
another Picador, horse and all, and after killing 
four horses was killed by the Matador. I never 
saw so furious a beast. When the ‘ Chulos ’ 
stuck the ‘ Banderillas ’ in him, he made regular 
‘ sauts de mouton,’ and chased them round the 
arena. He was killed by one of the Diaz. What 
one hears of the ladies at the bull-fights is per¬ 
fectly true. I sat within one seat of the Alcalde’s 
daughter, a pretty girl, with rather an amiable 
expression of countenance. One poor beast of a 
horse was led past perfectly ripped up, and with 

e 3 


82 


ARRIVAL IN SEVILLE. 


liis bowels trailing on tlie ground, and the young 
lady seemed rather pleased with the sight than 
otherwise. I must confess that I was much 
disgusted with the way that the unfortunate 
horses were victimized, and would as soon have 
been in a knacker’s shop. The death of the bull is 
rather fine. Montes is a little past his work, but 
his way of playing with the bull is quite extraor¬ 
dinary, and he has the disadvantage of having 
broken both his wrists in some previous affair of 
the sort. I went to the opera in the evening; 
and had rather a hard day’s work of it. Next' 
morning (yesterday) I started to come here. I 
had met with Maynard (who married Frances 
Murray*) in Cadiz, who came up and introduced 
himself to me, and proposed our travelling here 
together, which we did, partly by steamer and 
partly across the country. We arrived here last 
night, and he proposes to me to remain herewith 
him and Frances (who is looking extremely well) 
until the next packet, as the £ Braganza’s’ boilers 
are very much out of order, and she is said to be 
dangerous. I am not afraid of her being wrecked; 
but as I hear the packet that follows is much 
better and faster, I am going to avail myself of 
that (the ‘ Lady Mary Wood,’ I believe). So I 
hope to see you in less than another fortnight, 

* A daughter of the late Lord Glenlyon and sister of the present 
Duke of Athole. 


SETTLEMENT OF ACCOUNTS. 83 

and shall pass a few days here with the Maynards. 
They rather expect Lady Glenlyon to he soon 
going abroad—perhaps here. I have not had 
much time to see Seville. The great attraction 
here is the Cathedral, with a magnificent old 
Moorish tower close to it. 

Before I left Malta I settled all my hills by 
five drafts on Cox, payable at different dates, 
so that the aggregate sum will not be so heavy. 

Messrs.-, who had acted as my bankers 

at Malta for the whole time I had been there, 
were the people to whom I gave these orders. 
Their sum is 80/. each, with one of 20/., and 
they date from, I think, the 15th or IGth of 
April; but, not having the list by me, I do not 
exactly remember. The difference of time of each 
is, I think, fifteen days; and in case of any diffi¬ 
culty, part of my now increased allowance as aide- 
de-camp may be brought forward to meet them. 
You will not be so surprised at the large amount 
of these when you remember that it is for the 
whole of the time I have been at Malta, and 
clears everything. I have left all my heavy things 
in charge of ILorsford, and am here in light march¬ 
ing order. With the first man-of-war steamer 
going to England they can be sent. Bichardson, 
with whom I went to Syria, will be coming 
home soon in the ‘ Phoenix,’ and I dare say he 
will take them home for me. In fact, unless he 



84 


LORD ANGLESEY'S OFFEE. 


is heavily laden, I am sure of it. With best love 
to all at home, believe me 

“ Ever your most affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“We are going to-morrow to see Murillo's 
finest pictures, of which there are six here. I 
went with the Maynards to-day to a private col¬ 
lection where there were some very fine ones." 


During the Plymouth Yacht Begatta Lord 
Anglesey came in the “ Pearl," and was one day 
kind enough to call on me when Arthur was 
with me. He told us that the first time he had 
been at Plymouth he was Captain of the Grena¬ 
dier company of the Staffordshire Militia; and 
there being a question at the time of regiments 
being raised, he rode post from Plymouth to 
London to make Mr. Pitt the offer of raising 
a regiment of cavalry. The proposal was not 
accepted, but he was allowed to raise a regi¬ 
ment of infantry, the 80tli. 

This was the occasion of one of the best light 
cavalry officers that we have had entering the 
army. But his first service in the infantry gave 
him the opportunity of distinction : in an attack 
he rode over an abattis among the enemy. 

The fate of the horse “ Staring Tom," on which 



THE QUEEN AT DEVONPORT. 


85 


he performed this act of valour, and which he 
afterwards sold to Lord Cathcart, was extraordi¬ 
nary. When the horses were re-embarking to 
return to England, Staring Tom, as soon as he 
was put into the slings, made a violent spring to 
get on board, ruptured a blood-vessel, and died. 

Whilst at Devonport Her Majesty the Queen 
made her first visit since her accession to the 
throne. The troops were so placed as to line 
either side of the street as the royal party passed. 
A small detachment of infantry were in attend¬ 
ance as an escort, and some mounted officers. 

Her Majesty landed in the Dockyard, and pro¬ 
ceeded in an open landau, in which there were 
with Her Majesty His Eoyal Highness the 
Prince Consort and Lady Canning. I had the 
honour of riding on the right-hand side of the 
carriage, and Arthur on the left of it. The 
presence of the Sovereign, I would state, caused 
the most universal satisfaction and loyal enthu¬ 
siasm, were it not for a fact within my know¬ 
ledge—a circumstance which I will afterwards 
relate, which proved that everywhere there exists 
in some recreant breast a secret repugnance to 
the better feelings of the community, which are 
happily in a prevailing ascendancy. 

Her Majesty proceeded through Union Street 
to Plymouth and to the Hoe, whence there is a 


86 


THE QUEEN’S VISIT TO PLYMOUTH. 


most beautiful view of Plymouth Sound; after¬ 
wards to Stoke ; and returned to the Dockyard, 
where she re-embarked. 

The royal yacht lay in Barn Pool, near Mount 
Edgcumbe, and on its first arrival was surrounded 
by a fleet of boats thronged with people anxious 
to see the Queen. There were illuminations and 
a few fireworks at night. 

The Prince Consort visited the Dockyard, and 
showed himself acquainted with all its details, 
with the various knowledge and intelligence 
which are a marked characteristic of His Boyal 
Highness, and have won for him such deserved 
respect. 

It will be recollected that at the period of the 
Queen’s first visit, after her accession, to Plymouth, 
the Great Western Pailway was open only to 
Bridgewater, and that a great part of the multi¬ 
tude there assembled, and even many of a higher 
order, had never exceeded a very limited circuit 
from their own native locality. 

The sight of the Sovereign was in itself a 
wonder. What their idea of royalty may have 
been we can hardly conjecture, but certainly 
not what they saw: not a queen with a diadem 
on her head and a sceptre in her hand, but youth 
and a simple gracefulness that they had never 
before seen, inspiring an affection that they could 



ARCHDUKE FREDERICK. 


87 


carry home to their own humble hearths in their 
loyal memory as a household goddess. 

The next day, when I waited on Her Majesty 
for orders, I expressed my fear that Her Majesty 
must have been fatigued; hut I ventured to add, 
that to have made so many of her people happy 
must have lightened the fatigue. The Queen 
sailed. 

I will now mention wdiat I adverted to before. 

Previous to Her Majesty’s landing, some mid¬ 
night wretch managed to spike partially the guns 
of the saluting battery. How this was effected 
in the dark without discovery it is not easy to 
conceive; for though (before this time) there was 
no sentry immediately over the battery, there was 
one within a few yards of it. There was no 
reason to think that any soldier had been privy 
to it. The malice of the miscreant was defeated : 
the spikes were withdrawn, and the battery fired 
the proper salute. Of course a sentry was always 
placed over the battery after that time. 

The Archduke Frederick of Austria, son of 
the Archduke Charles, came in a frigate to 
Devonport. He did me the honour to dine with 
me, and was so gracious as to invite me to dine 
on board of the imperial frigate. 

It struck me as very different from what I 
should have seen on board of one of our own men- 


88 


SIR SAMUEL PYM. 


of-war, that the captain’s cabin, very prettily deco¬ 
rated with drawings of officers in uniform, repre¬ 
sented “ soldier officers ” exclusively. No one 
could be more condescendingly kind than his 
Highness. He had served with distinction in 
Syria; was of simple but yet of royal manner, 
and so abstemious (and this he informed me 
his whole family were) that he drank nothing 
but water. He was of a slight figure, and, as 
I fear, consumptive. It was not long after¬ 
wards that his country had the misfortune to lose 
him. He was unaffectedly kind to some officers 
of our service whom he had known in Syria. 

The Austrian uniform is beautiful; how far it 
is adapted for service I will hardly venture to 
say; for what is one of its chief beauties, being 
white , may be objectionable. 

I have mentioned amongst Arthur’s charac¬ 
teristic good qualities as a staff officer, that he 
was soon well informed of all particulars relating 
to, and in favour of, the royal personage on whom 
they were in attendance ; and one tall officer my 
respect was more particularly directed to, that he 
had attended with unshaken affection a brother 
officer dying of the plague. 

Amongst other guests that dined on board the 
Austrian frigate with me was Admiral Sir Samuel 
Pym, of whom an officer of the navy, on my first 


SIR SAMUEL PYM. 


89 


coming to Devonport, told me, “ He is a rough 
diamond, but he is a diamond/ 5 

He was at that time Superintendent of the 
Dockyard at Devonport, and I will not weaken 
the above true description of him farther than to 
say I never met with a more honest-hearted true 
sailor;—at sea almost from a child, and I forget 
for how many years in a blockading fleet off the 
coast of France, without going over the side of 
his ship ; no man was in fact better bred than he 
was in the refined feelings of a gentleman. He 
was a most hospitable man, and always rejoiced 
to keep a liberal and hospitable table. 

The dinner on board the Austrian frigate I 
thought very good, but somewhat eccentric (ac¬ 
cording to our English notions) in its arrangement. 
But it disconcerted Sir Samuel Pym, himself 
a giver of good dinners, extremely. When we 
left the frigate, out of compliment to me, besides 
salutes, fireworks were displayed. 

I first was impressed with a high opinion of Sir 
Samuel Pym, which acquaintance and friendship 
more than justified, by his despatch giving the 
account of a gallant action he had fought in the 
Isle of France. But bringing home despatches 
from Lord Wellington, carried by Colonel Hon. 
Henry Cadogan (to the grief of all who knew him, 
afterwards killed at the battle of Yittoria), Sir 


90 


GENERAL BELIEF IN 


Samuel Pym, knowing tliat it was of importance 
that these despatches should reach England as 
soon as possible, “ would not look at several most 
valuable prizes that he might have taken/' and 
made the quickest passage ever known to England. 

There was at one time a question of a general 
European war, and I heard that gallant and good 
soldier, Sir John Elley, say, in presence of the 
Duke of Wellington at one of the Waterloo 
dinners, that a short time previous he (Sir John 
Elley) had had a conversation with the Archduke 
Charles of Austria; and that he had said, “ In all 
probability your Imperial Highness will have the 
command of the allied armies/ 5 “No/ 5 said the 
Archduke, “ there is only one man in whose com¬ 
mand there would be a confidence of all nations, 
and that is the Duke of Wellington. 55 

Now it will be right to consider who the 
Archduke Charles was. 

I am old enough to remember what the im¬ 
pression was in this country during the long war 
with France. I know that an exaggerated opinion 
had grown up in regard to the invincibility of 
Bonaparte. It was thought to be almost like 
contending against a superior being rather than a 
mere man. 

An expedition might now and then be sent out 
from this country and attended with loyal wishes, 


BONAPARTE'S INVINCIBILITY. 91 

and a hope that proof would he given by the 
troops of the bravery of Englishmen; but with 
little expectation of success. 

There were but few officers in whom any confi¬ 
dence was reposed to resist Gallic aggression and 
advance to universal power; these were Suwarrow, 
the Archduke Charles, Lord St. Vincent, Lord 
Nelson, and Sir Ralph Abercromby. 

It seems at this time extraordinary that in a 
nation like this, in which personal courage was 
perhaps even greater than it is now (for there 
was no stabbing), there was so much despon¬ 
dency : the whole population was armed to the 
teeth, and yet it was not thought possible to 
succeed in any attempt to overthrow the great 
and overwhelming influence of the French army 
under Bonaparte. The battle of Marengo con¬ 
firmed this opinion. Some years afterwards, when 
the Austrians and French were at war, the Arch¬ 
duke Charles, a commander not without success* 
and of tried valour, finding himself opposed to 
Napoleon in person, was said to have exclaimed, 
on looking at the enemy’s troops through a spy¬ 
glass, “ Voila V Empereur, voila VEmpereur lui - 
me me ! ” and seemed almost paralyzed at the 
fearful comparison. 

* It will not be forgotten that the Archduke Charles gained the 
battle of Asperne against Napoleon. 


92 


LADY HAMILTON—NELSON. 


How far that story may have been true is 
uncertain; but there can be no doubt of the 
existence generally of a feeling almost amounting 
to it. 

I once met at dinner at my mother’s (the 
Countess Louisa of Mansfield) and Colonel Gre- 
ville’s, at the Hanger’s Lodge in Bichmond Park, 
Lord Nelson, Sir William Hamilton (my god¬ 
father) and Lady Hamilton, the Hon. and Eev. 
Frederick Hamilton (the father of the celebrated 
Countess of Aldborough), and Mrs. Frederick 
Hamilton. Lady Hamilton was at that time, 
though grown too large, a most beautiful woman, 
and who, in showing us how the Neapolitans 
eat maccaroni, exemplified some of the attitudes 
which have afforded such models of graceful¬ 
ness. 

Lord Nelson was a man who, without com¬ 
manding stature or appearance, would have struck 
one as no common man ; on that private occasion, 
though unusual at the time, he wore his star and 
riband of the Order of the Bath; a very limited 
order at that period. Speaking of Bonaparte, who 
was nearly falling into his hands, he declared if 
he had done so he should have “ hanged him ! ” 
and he seriously gave his reasons as what would 
have justified him in the severity. 

We may congratulate ourselves that no such 


NAPOLEON. 


93 


occasion did occur as would have blighted the fair 
fame of one of the noblest men even the un¬ 
rivalled British navy has produced. 

What place history may eventually assign to 
Bonaparte remains for ages yet unborn to decide. 
By his followers he was adored; in this country 
he was detested ; neither the worship of his 
friends nor the virulence of his enemies is wholly 
to be believed. 

But notwithstanding the versatility of the 
French, who received the restoration of the Bour¬ 
bons with acclamations and bonfires, I certainly 
found prevailing in France, when I marched from 
the south of France to Calais for embarkation in 
1814, everywhere a great regard and veneration 
for Napoleon; and the general aspect of the 
country (except from the repeated conscriptions) 
showed a degree of prosperity, owing to his com¬ 
manding administrative talents, which justified 
that admiration. Instances of his cruelty may 
be adduced, but still it may be doubted whether 
they were in fact so great as rancour has repre¬ 
sented them to have been. But of his talents 
there can be but one opinion—and the struggles 
that he made in the concluding campaign of 1814 
are beyond measure wonderful. 

His subsequent landing from the isle of Elba, 
his successful progress, and his re-establishment 


94 


LOUD LYNEDOCH. 


upon the imperial throne, even if for only a 
hundred days, may certainly be reckoned amongst 
the marvels of our time; and prove that “truth 
may be stranger than fiction/’ 

Arthur had been reading some history of the 
war at the period of the French Revolution, and 
had made himself well acquainted with all the 
particulars of a battle at which Lord Lynedoch 
had been present. 

The latter at the time was on a visit to me at 
Devonport, the year before he died; and he was 
resting in that quiet abstraction usual with people 
at an advanced age. He was then, as I believe, 
above ninety, when Arthur asked him if he had 
not been at that battle, and whether such and 
such things had not happened ? 

Lord Lynedoch sat up in his chair, and, sweep¬ 
ing aside with his powerful hand the various 
books that were on the table near him, and then 
disposing them so as to represent the respective 
positions of the troops and their several move¬ 
ments, went through all the particulars of the 
battle as if it had only been yesterday. 

It was a scene which could not easily be 
forgotten—Arthur all animation, yet riveted to 
what he heard; and the ancient chief, in stern 
reflection, showing how the field was won or lost 
in days long past. Here were youth and age in 


COLONEL HAMILTON SMITH. 


95 


contrast—the rising dawn and the last blaze of 
the setting sun! 

Arthur’s great friend at Plymouth was Colonel 
Hamilton Smith. 

I first made his acquaintance when Lord Lyne- 
docli, on whose staff he had been in Holland, was 
on a visit to me at Devonport. 

Colonel Hamilton Smith is an extraordinary 
man—an encyclopaedia in himself on all subjects 
connected with the wars of ancient and modern 
times, and equally conversant with the history of 
all periods—shrewd in his observations on past 
and present politics—taking delight in heraldry, 
armour, natural history—and besides the facility 
of talking or writing on all questions relating to 
the above, being an excellent and indefatigable 
draughtsman. The beautiful drawings in water 
colour that he has shown me of the costumes of 
ancient times, of uniforms of different armies, of 
heraldry, of natural history, were numerous be¬ 
yond belief as the work of an individual, had one 
not seen him unremittingly at work on them 
(with his little Blenheim spaniel in her basket 
coiled up on the table, and often his only com¬ 
panion for hours). He resided in Park Street, 
Plymouth, the most secluded place he could find, 
to prevent the interruption to his pursuits which 
many visitors would have occasioned; hut he 



96 


COLONEL HAMILTON SMITH. 


always received me most kindly, and it was my 
own fault if I did not carry away some useful or 
curious information. 

Having made some beautiful water-colour 
drawings of every known species of fish, he 
executed another set equally numerous in a 
rougher style, but coloured in a similar manner, 
and possessing the same accurate resemblance to 
nature. 

The library, in which he sat drawing usually 
by day, and, I believe, writing until a late hour 
at night, was a perfect model of arrangement. 

I called on him one day and asked him if he 
had heard “ that a man-of-war had come in from 
which a sea-serpent had been seen” P He had not 
heard it; and on my asking him what he thought 
of it, he said to his daughter, “ Be so good as 
to look on such a shelf, and you will find a book,” 
which he described. It was brought to him, and 
opening it he showed me a print and description 
of a sea-serpent, and entered into a curious dis¬ 
quisition as to what were likely to be the pro¬ 
perties of the marine reptile. 

This, it will be observed, was a subject on 
which he was able to discourse without prepara¬ 
tion, and on which he made immediate reference 
to a work treating of it. 

Arthur married. 


MARRIAGE OF OFFICERS. 


97 


I was at first disposed to state this simple 
fact without adding one word to it; but, on con¬ 
sideration, I am inclined to think that, from the 
experience of a long life, I can offer some observa¬ 
tions on it which may be of use to those who have 
not hitherto had the same experience as myself. 

For them, without any undue assumption, I 
may say, I feel interested; and in no spirit of 
greater wisdom I may offer to them observations 
which, if they had had the same opportunities 
that I have had, they could give me with greater 
ability and in better language. 

The early marriage of an officer, so far as his 
profession is concerned, is a misfortune—a cala¬ 
mity : it embarrasses him in I know not how 
many of his ordinary details of duty. But if he 
is ordered on actual service it hangs round his 
neck like a millstone. 

But let it not on the other hand he forgotten 
from what an early marriage may save him, and 
which, generally speaking, it is his own fault if it 
does not save him. 

I am talking, of course, of a marriage so far 
prudent that he has married an amiable and lady¬ 
like person; though perhaps anything but prudent 
in regard to fortune, in which a competency is quite 
indispensable to domestic happiness, whatever the 
virtue or attachment of those united may he. 

F 



08 


MARRIAGE OF OFFICERS. 


That a well-assorted marriage is the happiest 
condition of life of which human nature is sus¬ 
ceptible I have no doubt — it is a connexion 
designed and blessed by the Griver of all good. 

But looking at it in the commonplace every¬ 
day working of life, we must be convinced that 
ill-assorted marriages are a most direful source of 
discord and outrage. 

Let me, however, revert to the subject of the 
early marriage of officers. I think that it has 
been sufficiently shown that they are prejudicial 
in a professional point of view; they throw upon 
an officer cares and anxieties not properly belong¬ 
ing to his station. When entering upon the ser¬ 
vice, he must be ready at a moment’s notice to go 
upon any foreign or warlike operation with hardly 
an instant’s consideration; he must be as ready 
as a gipsy to shift his encampment. 

The lady of an officer told me that one com¬ 
manding-officer whom they had had, on her apply¬ 
ing to him, on the prospect of an early change of 
allocation, for some particular quarter, which for 
many domestic reasons would have been con¬ 
venient to her, returned this answer:—“Ma’am, 
it is my rule to give the worst quarters to the 
married officers.” • 

But this rule, probably, was never acted on, 
but only stated for the purpose of getting rid of 



MARRIAGE OF OFFICERS. 


99 


undue importunity; yet it is one which cannot, 
without injustice, he wholly disregarded. 

The unmarried officers have quite as much 
right to he considered in an equitable assignment 
of quarters as the married; and notwithstanding 
the gallantry which will in many instances induce 
them to waive their claim, they will, with reason, 
consider themselves aggrieved if this he not 
attended to by their commanding-officer. 

On the other hand, it should he recollected that 
an early marriage saves a young officer from that 
habitual and indiscriminate profligacy which, with 
hideous tenacity, clings to him through after-life. 

We hear it said that a reformed rake makes the 
best husband. What absolute nonsense is this ! 
Can any one in his senses think that the passion 
for play can be withdrawn from the mind of the 
gamester, the craving for drink and excitement 
from the drunkard, the habit of vicious indulgence 
and low and sensual companionship from the 
man who, from early life, has been drawn into 
the downward and hourly increasing declivity of 
profligacy ? Ah ! no. 

As life proceeds to its termination, from natural 
causes vice may be less present to the old than to 
the young ; but the stain remains ineffaceably on 
the nature, and affords a warning and not an 
example. 


100 


MARRIAGE OF OFFICERS. 


Wlien an officer is induced to marry young, 
and lias the inestimable good fortune to marry a 
young lady, not only of accomplishments which 
add to the charm of domestic life, hut one having 
those solid virtues which alone can render a life¬ 
long connexion happy, he will do best to with¬ 
draw from the army, which is no longer a position 
suited to his altered circumstances. 

That Arthur’s going on service as a married 
man developed qualities which he, otherwise, 
might never have had the opportunity to show, is 
true : it proved his gentle, forbearing, and con¬ 
stant disposition—his extreme consideration for 
the welfare of another—and his abnegation of all 
that individually concerned himself; but it checked 
that freedom of the mind which expands upon 
the difficulties of foreign service, and would have 
crippled the exertion and daunted the spirit of 
one of less energy and ambition. 

But the early check in his career brought all 
speculation on such subjects to an unexpected 
close ; and places his name amongst the innumer¬ 
able favourites of nature who have disappointed 
the hopes of those most interested for them, by 
falling almost in their outset. 

But in this room, in which I have listened 
with happy anticipation to the prattle of his 
childhood and to the maturer sense of his more 



ROYAL VISITORS AT DEVOXPORT. 


101 


advanced age, I am reminded of the vanity of 
human wishes. 

Prince Henry of the Netherlands came to De- 
vonport. He was an amiable and princely young 
man, and we could not but feel the more inter¬ 
ested in him from his father’s having served with 
distinction in our army. 

If I remember rightly, I gave him a field-day 
of such troops as I had in garrison, on the 18th 
of June, the anniversary of Waterloo—a battle in 
which his father had been wounded. 

The King of Saxony also made a short visit to 
Devonport; and there was an intelligent officer in 
his suite, with whom Arthur formed an imme¬ 
diate, and apparently an agreeable reciprocal 
acquaintance. 

The Due de Cliambord afterwards came to De¬ 
vonport ; and, feeling his more immediate claims 
to the throne of France, we could not but be 
sorry that his reception in England was not more 
cordial—though probably on the part of govern¬ 
ment there were reasons for that policy. 


i( SlR, “Horse Guards, 13th Sept. 1844. 

“ I have had the honour to lay before the 
Commander-in-Chief your letter of the 12th 
instant, with its enclosure; and am directed to 




102 


THE GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE. 


inform you that His Grace approves of your 
granting Lieut.-Colonel Hervey Smith, Major of 
Brigade in the Western District, leave of absence, 
from the 13th instant to the 1st of October next, in 
consequence of the recent decease of his mother. 

“ I have the honour, at the same time, to ac¬ 
quaint you that His Grace approves of your Aide- 
de-Camp, Captain Murray, performing the duties 
of Major of Brigade during Lieut.-Colonel Smith s 
absence. 

“ I have the honour* to be, Sir, 

“ Your most obedient, humble servant, 

“John Macdonald, A.-G. 

“ M.-Oen. Hon. Henry Murray, &c. &c. &c., 

Devonport.” 


It was some time after Arthur had left Devon- 
port that the Grand Duke Constantine arrived 
there, and made a visit that continued some 
days. 

I was at breakfast at the Port-Admiral’s, my 
respected friend Sir John West, when Sir Henry 
Leake, who had been on board to visit the Grand 
Duke, returned; and, on being asked what sort of 
person he had found him, Sir Henry answered, 
“ He is a very nice youth, or lad ” (I forget which 



VISIT TO THE GRAND DUKE. 


103 


word lie used, but it conveyed that lie was very 
young). 

There was some little formality to be observed. 
The Grand Duke went to the Royal Hotel at 
Plymouth ; and it was arranged with Count 
Brunnow, the Russian Ambassador, that the 
Admiral and myself, as commanding the district, 
and Lieutenant-Governor of Plymouth, should 
wait on his Imperial Highness, but quite in a 
simple manner; and that afterwards the Grand 
Duke was severally to return that visit. The 
Admiral and myself, in separate carriages, pro¬ 
ceeded there. When we started, the Admiral’s 
carriage had the precedence—mine was to follow ; 
but, by a little contrivance, another carriage, 
belonging to a naval officer, cut in before mine as 
we started from the Admiral’s house. 

It is in one of Sir Walter Scott’s novels, I think 
the 4 Bride of Lammermoor, ’ that there is a 
contest between two carriages, which shall come 
first to the door. This was an occasion so similar 
that I could not help laughing at a rivalry which 
I never had intended; but still, though it would 
have been convenient for me to have stopped to 
pick up another officer to take with me, it would 
not have done for the General to have shown 
less alacrity than the Admiral in paying respect 
to the Grand Duke of Russia: so both royal navy 


104 


RUMOURED POLISH PLOT. 


and army carriages arrived at tlie door at the same 
moment. There was, however, a large levee of 
officers of the royal navy, whereas, according to 
the instructions I had received from Count Brun- 
now, I had there only one or two military officers. 
I found the Grand Duke Constantine a very good- 
looking youth, of handsome features, and of a 
light and beautiful figure ; his manner and bear¬ 
ing at once royal and unaffectedly gracious. 

When he did me the honour to dine with me, 
after the ladies had retired I had placed myself 
next to his Imperial Highness; he immediately 
inquired whether the sword I had on was not a 
Persian one? I replied that it was. He asked 
me whether I had worn it in battle, which I told 
him I had not. But it was evident he was an 
accurate observer of everything military. The 
evening concluded with dancing; hut all at once 
something seemed to have caused anxiety amongst 
the Russian officers. I heard afterwards in London 
that information had been given of some plot 
of Polish refugees who were in Devonport • hut 
whether there was any truth in the story I do 
not know. 

A very handsome entertainment was given to 
the Grand Duke, at Saltram, by Lord Morley; 
and, from different things I heard, I was induced 
to think that the Emperor Nicholas, in the private 
relations of his family, was very amiable. A 


THE LAST MEETING. 


105 


Russian officer told me that the Grand Duke had 
passed a very good examination for the navy, 
and that the Emperor was present at that exami¬ 
nation : I was not surprised at it. 

When the Grand Duke Constantine left Devon- 
port, I was on board of the “ Ingermankind.” His 
Imperial Highness received me most graciously, 
and got the ship under weigh (if a landsman may 
venture to say so) in a most seamanlike manner, 
giving all orders in a clear and very audible 
voice. I must say my impression in regard to 
Admiral Lutkyn and several of the officers of his 
suite was most favourable. 

When Arthur was to proceed to the Mediter¬ 
ranean, I went with him on hoard the steamer, 
which was lying off the Royal William Victualling 
Yard at Stonehouse, and thence round to Cat- 
water. As we passed the defences, as usual, he 
discoursed intelligently about their usefulness, and 
of such objections as might be made to them. 
He also spoke of the Ionian Islands, where he was 
going; and of Lord Seaton, who commanded there, 
and of whom he had justly a high opinion. But 
his manner that day was peculiarly kind and 
gentle to me. We knew it not, but it was the 
last time we were to meet. 

The steamer waited at Catwater, and when she 
was getting her steam up I left her, and, landing 
at the Barbican, hurried up to the Hoe, from 

r 3 


106 


VIEW FROM PLYMOUTH HOE. 


which I could have a view of the steamer as she 
went out. I saw her pass Bovisand, and so 
onwards until she went out of sight as she turned 
by the Mew Stone on her way to Southampton. 

I have often gone to the Hoe since, to trace, in 
sweet and hitter fancy, the course of the steamer 
out of harbour that day. The indulgence of such 
thought is not wrong; for the memory of what we 
have lost only the more endears to us what we 
still have left. 

The view from the Hoe is one of no ordinary 
interest: it commands Plymouth Sound—which 
sometimes, on a summer’s day, is quiet as a lake 
among the mountains—and Drake’s Island, rocky 
and fortified, and that vast work the Breakwater. 
On the left, the citadel of Plymouth is seen ; Stad- 
don heights, with their battery ; and the watering- 
place of Bovisand. On the right, the village of Cre- 
mille, and, still farther to the right, Hamoaze, with 
numerous ships in ordinary; but Mount Edgcumbe 
rising above Cremille, and Barnpool (where ships 
are lying at anchor) ranging with its luxuriant 
woods to the last limit of the Sound, look down 
upon the Breakwater, and form the crowning 
ornament of the scene. Nor is it a slight con¬ 
sideration to reflect what fleets and what armies 
England has launched from that port, and 
what victories they have achieved ; hut, as a 
check upon human vanity and glory, which know 



ARRIVAL AT SOUTHAMPTON. 


107 


no bounds, it should not be forgotten that one of 
the greatest conquerors the world ever saw was 
there on board the ship of his enemies, his only 
refuge, but his last humiliation in the day of 
adversity, which even his unrivalled talents could 
not prevent. 

“ Now I descend 
To join the worldly crowd ; perchance to talk, 

To think, to act, as they : then all these thoughts, 

That lift th’ expanded heart above this spot 
To heavenly musing, these shall pass away 
(Even as this goodly prospect from my view), 

Hidden by near and earthy-rooted cares. 

So passeth human life : our better mind 
Is as a Sunday’s garment, then put on 
When we have nought to do ; hut at our work 
We wear a worse for thrift.”— Crowe. 


[Received, Devonport, 19th Oct. 1845.] 

“ My DEAR Father, “Southampton, 17th Oct. 1845. 

“We arrived here between five and six 
o’clock this morning, having had one of the best 
passages known during the season. 

“ The last we saw of the inhabitants of Ply¬ 
mouth and Devonport was the Admiral’s yacht 
with the Morleys and their own party on board. 
They gave us a waving of hats and handkerchiefs 
as they passed under our stern. 

“ I am happy to say that Lily did not suffer at 
all, and the ‘ Brunswick ’ is anything but an easy 
vessel. 



108 


FAKES TO MALTA. 


“ There was at times a rather heavy swell, 
especially off Portland (during the night). The 
c Oriental 5 sails on Monday, at a tolerably early 
hour. I have not been able to secure our 
passage as yet; for when I inquired at the office 
this morning, I was told that I could not do 
so until they received their list of passengers 
from London, but that I might almost make cer¬ 
tain of getting the places to-morrow afternoon. 
The prices of the passage are as follows :— 

“ Between England and Malta. 

First cabin, on the 3rd of the month .. .. £27 10 each. 

,, on the 20th (viz. Monday) .. 34 0 „ 

Servant’s passage. 1515 ,, 


“ The ‘ Oriental ’ starts on Monday ; and al¬ 
though the price for each first-cabin passenger is 
34^., it includes feeding, wine, use of furniture 
and linen, steward’s fee, and bedding. ...... 

“ I expect a very good passage to the Mediter¬ 
ranean ; but much regret leaving your Staff, espe¬ 
cially at the time that the removal has taken place. 
“ Give both our loves to Gertrude ; and 

“ Believe me, my dear Father, 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major- Gen. the Hon . Henry Murray , (7.1?., 

Government House , Devonyort .” 





THE BAY OF BISCAY. 


109 


[Received, Devonport, 6th Nov. 1845.] 

u My DEAR Father, “ Gibraltar, October 26th, 1845. 

“ We left Southampton on the afternoon 
of the 20th, having got all our baggage on hoard 
the evening before. The post had not arrived, 
i.e. letters were not delivered, until after the de¬ 
parture of the ‘ Oriental/ and we therefore had 
no means of knowing whether any answers had 
arrived to our many letters on leaving England. 

.Our passage has hitherto been very 

good. We ran very well down Channel, and 
entered the Bay of Biscay at seven o’clock in the 
evening of Tuesday (the 21st). There had been a 

great deal of rolling during the Tuesday. 

and indeed, I found the pitching of the steamer 
rather unpleasant at first, though I never was 
driven to extremity. On Wednesday night, when 
we were well in the Bay, it blew tolerably hard, 
and there was a good deal of rolling and pitching. 
I went on deck at about half-past one o’clock in 
the morning, and the gale was certainly a very 
fine sight, for the moon was out and the sea 
running very high. After a little while, Lily 
not being able to sleep, I brought her on deck to 
look out at the scene. While we were standing, 
holding on by the main-rigging at the larboard 
shrouds (for it was so slippery one could hardly 



110 


PASSAGE TO GIBRALTAR. 


stand), a sea struck in the chains, and washed 
the spray right over us. I made Lily go down 
and change her wet things, and neither was the 
worse for the ducking. Since this our course has 
been very steady, and the weather has been 
fine throughout. We stood very close in shore 
during our course south of Cape Finisterre, 
and had a good view of the coast of Portugal, 
passing Peniche, Mafra, and Cintra so close that 
we could by the aid of our glasses clearly distin¬ 
guish the buildings and surrounding country. 
This morning we were off Cape Trafalgar, and 
had some doubts of what hour we should arrive 
at Gibraltar, as there was head-wind and rather a 
heavy sea. There is an officer going out to join 
the 15th Hussars in India, Mr. Wale, a son of 
Sir Charles Wale’s. I shall take the opportunity 
to send a line to the ‘ Colonello ’ by him, and 
have already told him what a kind commanding 
officer he will have. 

“ I have just time to conclude. I saw Sir 
Bobert Wilson, who was extremely kind; and we 
have just come off, and are getting under weigh. 
I also found Walker in very good case. Love 
to all. 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-General the lion. Henry Murray .” 


DETAINED AT MALTA. 


Ill 


“ My DEAR Father, “ Malta, Nov. 4, 1845. 

“ I do not know whether you have yet 
received my letter which I wrote from Gibraltar, 
and was rather hurried in the conclusion of. We 
had a very good passage from Gibraltar to this 
place, where we arrived on the 31st, at about one 
o’clock in the day. We were quite in time for 
the Corfu steamer, which sailed on Sunday; hut 
we have been unfortunately retarded in our pro¬ 
gress, in consequence of an accident. 

I accordingly applied to Sir Patrick Stuart, who 
immediately granted me leave until the departure 
of the next packet, which goes, I believe, on the 
15th of this month; and I have written, both 
officially and privately, to Colonel Buller, to ex¬ 
plain the reason of the delay. 

“ Colonel Edwards, the Military Secretary, was 
extremely kind in assisting me about everything 
connected both with seeing Sir Patrick Stuart, 
obtaining leave, and attempting to obtain me a 
free passage to Corfu. He sent me to call on Sir 
Lucius Curtis, the Dockyard Admiral, who is a 
very good-natured fellow. 

“I was first received by a bull-terrier, with 
whom I sat, tete-a-tete , for some time, but who 
seemed amiable. After a little while in came Sir 
Lucius, in a blue uniform coat with the C.B., 




112 


SIR LUCIUS CURTIS. 


no waistcoat, white trowsers, with white boots. 
After showing him my letter from Walpole he 
said that he was sorry he could not give me 
a passage to Corfu free, as, in order to obtain 
that, I ought to have received a letter from the 
Adjutant-General to that effect, ordering me ‘ to 
report to Sir Lucius Curtis on my arrival at 
Malta, who would send me on by the first convey¬ 
ance.’ He became at last very good-humoured, and 
laughed when I said I was sorry to have kept him 
waiting so long. ‘ Oh ! ’ he said, ‘ you ’re not worse 
than others ; hut I was rather angry at first, when 
I wrote to Colonel Edwards; and now I ’ll tell 
you what I said in my note. I said, Captain 
Murray is like all the rest of your officers; they 
always come to me at the last moment, and 
think that it’s my duty to find them out and 
get them a free passage.’ 

“ On my telling him of Lily’s accident he said 
that I must not think of going by the first 
packet; but said, ‘ If I were you, I would write 
to Buller by the first packet, and explain all.’ 

“ We parted great friends, and he shook hands 
very cordially. 

cc Before he commenced on business he said, 
‘ho n’t sit there; you are in the draughtand 
when I said it was very hot—‘ Do you think so P 
I’ve put on my flannel waistcoat to-day.’ .... 




MRS. MURRAY’S ACCIDENT. 


113 


“ I saw Sir Patrick Stuart on first arriving. He 
is a very civil, agreeable person, and lias been 
very kind about my leave. He is living out at 
St. Antonio, and comes in every day to transact 
business at the Palace. The garrison seems as 
easy as ever: officers in shell-jackets and forage¬ 
caps ; swords never worn except on duty. We 
are at Baker’s Hotel, at the corner of the Palace 
Square, in Strada Vescovo, and have a full view of 
the Palace and Main-guard. There has been no 
guard-mounting since we have been here. Per¬ 
haps the heat of the weather may have prevented 
it, for it is hotter than summer in England. We 
have our windows and doors open, and Venetian 
blinds down. Lily feels the heat very much. I am 
happy to say, that, by dint of keeping her in bed 
and on the sofa, she is much better, as far as the 
knee is concerned, and can almost walk to-day, 
with a little assistance. Mahony will not let her 
go out, even in a carriage, as he says the going 
down stairs would bring back inflammation, and 
possibly she might have another fall. 

“ The accident occurred in consequence of the 
accommodation-ladder not having been sufficiently 
lowered, so that there was a sort of drop of two 
or three feet from the ladder to the boat. In 
getting in she missed stepping on the seat and 
struck her knee against the thwart of the boat so 


114 


THE “ORIENTAL.” 


hard that both Sankey and Mahony said they were 
surprised that she did not split the patella. . . . 

“It is very provoking that she should he in a 
town where there is so much to see, and be un¬ 
able to move about. I hope, however, before the 
arrival of the next packet, she will be well enough 
to see the place. 

“ Our delay here is extremely inconvenient in 
one respect, viz. that of finance, as we are obliged 
to remain at an hotel; and although it is not so 
expensive as one in England, it is of course 
costly. 

“ I was disappointed with the ‘ Oriental.’ Al¬ 
though the steamer is a magnificent one, they 
take so many passengers that the cabins are very 
small and inconvenient; and although you pay 
so enormously, the feeding is not so good as it 
ought to be for the price. They profess to give 
you all sorts of luxuries, but the things are bad 
of the kind. Eor instance, there is champagne 
twice a-week, but, I should think, of private ma¬ 
nufacture ; and the ale and porter suddenly dete¬ 
riorated, as they said, owing to a fault in their 
agent at Southampton; but it was remarkable 
that this did not take place until after Gibraltar, 
where we might, if we had liked, have stopped 
and proceeded by another steamer. 

“ I suspect the Company have too much their 



ARRIVAL AT CORFU. 


115 


own way, and that, if there was any opposition 

company, it would improve them. 

“The voyage, altogether, was prosperous, though 
not as quick a one as usual. 

“Dr. Maliony tells us that we must either pur¬ 
chase our furniture here, or send to Trieste for it, 
as none can he got at Corfu without great expense, 
and exorbitant prices are asked for it. We are, 
therefore, going to order whatever things are 
necessary while here, and take them with us to 
Corfu. All groceries are also very dear there, 

and must be bought here. 

“ I enclose a couple of pair of mittens from 
Lily to Gertrude ; and, with love to all, 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

11 Major-Gen. the Eon. Henry Murray .” 


[Received 30th Dec. 1845.] 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Corfu, November 23rd, 1845. 

“We have at last arrived safely here by 
the ‘ Sydenham/ although our voyage from 
Valetta was made in very unpropitious weather, 
with a good deal of thunder and lightning—the 
latter very vivid, and (as the commander of the 





11(5 DIFFICULTY OF GETTING LODGINGS. 

steamer afterwards confessed to me) a great deal 
closer than was agreeable. 

“ We dined with Lord and Lady Seaton yester¬ 
day, and they took ns to their box at the opera 
in the evening. Colonel Buller has been very 
kind, and secured ns our present quarters at the 
hotel, where we have only bed-rooms, and no 
sitting-room. 

“ We have been house-hunting for a day or 
two, and have at length succeeded in getting a 
flat in one of the houses facing the Esplanade, 
where we shall he tolerably comfortable. It 
happens to be the only house in which there is a 
vacancy, and is now occupied by a Greek family 

(Cavaliere Mustoxides).The owner of it 

is at Santa Maura; and as the rent is high, I have 
written to Horsford, who knows him, to try and 
get the best terms for me with respect to getting 
it repaired and put in order. The rent is fifty 
guineas a year, or twenty-two dollars a month, 
and I mean to. take it for the time I remain here, 
which I believe is sometimes allowed by pro¬ 
prietors here, as the demand for houses is so great 
that they are certain to get applicants the moment 
a vacancy occurs. 

“ When I say that we have taken the only vacant 
house, or rather portion of a house here, there 
was one other shown us by the house agent, the 


ISLAND AND TOWN OF CORFU. 117 

only entrance to which was through a lane, to 
which the famed ‘ Strada Stretta ’ of Malta would 
have been far preferable, and which seemed to 
have been used by the neighbours as a sort of sewer. 
The only look-out of this house was into the bed¬ 
rooms of the opposite side of the street, the oc¬ 
cupants of which are not the most virtuous in 
Corfu. Under these circumstances, and hearing 
also that our quartermaster had been obliged to 
leave it in consequence of these various nuisances, 
I closed with the other, which looks out on the 
Esplanade, and has a beautiful view, and fresh air; 
which will be really an advantage here, for the 
streets of the town are abominable from the smells, 
and even the street at the back of our quarters 
will not be a very savoury one.No¬ 

thing can exceed the beauty of the island and 
the position of the town. The mountains of 
Albania stretch in a semicircle across the mouth 
of the harbour, so that they seem to join the 
island on each side, and you can hardly tell which 
is Albania and which Corfu, thus giving the 
straits the appearance of a large inland lake. At 
sunset the various colours of the mountains, vary¬ 
ing from mazarine blue to bright crimson, give 
the scene almost the appearance of enchantment. 
The citadel, which was once the acropolis of 
ancient Corcyra, is upon a singular rock rising 



118 


DRILL PRACTICE. 


abruptly from one side of the Esplanade in a sort 
of conical form, and separated from the Esplanade 
by a horn-work of modern fortification constructed 
by the famous Count Schulembergh, who com¬ 
manded the Venetian armies during a long siege 
against the Turks. The rest of the fortifications 
of the town, &c., are also constructed by Schulem¬ 
bergh, and are very strong. The country is per¬ 
fectly beautiful, and I heard yesterday that there 
are many pretty rides about the island. On our 
way here we touched at Cephalonia, passed close 
to Zante, and touched again at Patras, whence 
we steered for this island. The only island with 
the same appearance of fertility as this was Zante, 
called ‘ Eior di Levante,’ where the scenery re¬ 
minded us of Torquay. 

“ I have seen the battalion on parade, and it is, 
as far as movement goes, perfection. 

“ Dec. 8th .—I had written thus far upon our 

first arrival.Colonel Buller has sent 

me to go through all my drills from the com¬ 
mencement of goose-step, &c. I have an hour’s 
work of it every day. This is, however, no great 
trouble, and I do not therefore mind having to 
go through it. It will be the fourth time I have 
been through the drills, including cavalry and 
infantry. Another thing which a little surprised 
me on joining was, that captains do orderly duty 




FIELD EVOLUTIONS. 


119 


just tlie same as subalterns, there being one 
roster for all. Besides this, there is a garrison 
captain of the day, who has to visit a good 
number of the guards, and as I am not mounted 
it is rather hard work. My company is at the 
top of a high fort, called Fort Neuf, which is 
only attained by a very high flight of steps, and 
is really a breather when one has to ascend and 
descend it often in the course of the day. All 
ordinary parades take place up there, but general 
ones down in barracks. We had a field-day on 
the Esplanade in the course of last week; and, 
considering I had not commanded a company for 
four years, I was glad to find that I got on toler¬ 
ably. The battalion is soon to be inspected by 
Lord Seaton, and I think will acquit itself very 
well. Colonel Fuller has written out a little book 
of instructions for skirmishing, with the man¬ 
oeuvres of which we have all to make ourselves 

acquainted.The system of drill has 

been totally altered, and rapidity is now very 
much sacrificed to every man having his appointed 
place. Jethro Flory has got a situation as a 
warder in the Tower, of upwards of 100/. a year, 
and had gone home some time before I came out. 
Not more than three or four of the officers who 
came out in the ‘ Abercrombie Bobinson 5 still 
remain.Colonel Buller tells me that 




120 


GARRISON QUARTERS. 


we are sure of the West Indies, and from the 
‘ signs of the times ’ I can perfectly fancy it. 
We shall know our fate by the spring. Our 
lodgings, having been cleaned and whitewashed 
by the landlord, will soon be fit for us to go into ; 
but we have been kept in this dirty hotel all this 
time, where there is no sitting-room hut a public 
one, as there is positively no house to live in but 

this.The 34tli Regiment has arrived 

in the ‘ Java ’ with our detachment, having been 
ashore and nearly shipwrecked off Lisbon, and 
had rather a rough passage. It is fortunate we 
did not come out in the ‘ Java,’ as we should not 
have had a place to live in.The offi¬ 

cers’ rooms in the Upper Fort Neuf, where my 
company is, are almost exactly like the cells in 
the military prison at Devonport, having only a 
loophole to admit light and air. One of my 
subalterns is quartered there by himself, and 
another is to he sent to keep him company. 
Every one of the authorities here has been civil 
to us. We dined with Colonel Conyers the other 
day, who told me he remembered you in Egypt, 
and who seems a very good-natured man. He 
rides about all day in a cocked hat, to the great 
amusement of every one, and is often met miles 
in the country in this turn-out. Colonel Buffer 
has done us the favour of lending us his opera 



GARRISON CIVILITIES. 


121 


box. This was an advantage to ns, for we have 
hitherto only been when invited by other people, 
as we cannot attempt any expense at present, 
having the full expense of the hotel staring us in 
the face, which is nearly 10/. a week; and the 
furnishing, i. e. necessary furnishing of our house, 
which has, like all in this part of the world, nothing 
but the bare walls. Colonel and Mrs. Dawkins, 
who have received letters from Sir B. and Lady 
Stopford in our favour, have been exceedingly 
kind, and have been of the greatest use in ad¬ 
vising us. Mrs. Dawkins is daughter of Sir 
Howard Douglas, and knows Corfu well, having 
lived here so many years. She tells us that in 
the summer we must get a carriage, as carriage 
hire is enormous; and it is impossible to exist 
without it during the excessive heat. 

Pray thank Gertrude for her kind letter, which 
I would answer by this packet, but, having no 
time, will write to her by the next. You must 
have had plenty to do during the visit of the 
Grand Duke Constantine to Plymouth in the way 
of solemnities to receive him. With love to all, 
believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“PS.—Lily sends her love to you. She is 

G 


122 


BATTLE OF SOBRAON. 


now nearly recovered from her accident, but can¬ 
not walk much.” 


[Received 10th June, 1846,] 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Santa Maura, May 26, 1846. 

“Many thanks for your kind letter, to 
which I fear the sudden arrival and departure of 
the steamer will hardly give me time to reply by 
more than a few lines. 

“ I will write more at leisure by the next packet, 
and answer all the questions relative to the com¬ 
pany which you have asked me. Here I have 

them entirely under my command. 

If they go on doing as well as at present they 
will do. 

“I am glad you have made Lord Ellenbo- 
rough’s acquaintance. 

“ People seem to think that the victory of 
Sobraon was, as you say, a very near thing. 
Colonel Hamilton Smith wrote to me the other 
day, criticising the strategical operations severely, 
and, I think, justly. He gives more praise, evi¬ 
dently, to the troops than to the General, i . e. Sir 
Plugh Gough (now Lord Gough). 

“ Lord Hardinge he praises, but seems to think 
that his plans were spoiled by the interference of 
the civil authorities, who attempted to influence 




ARMY PROMOTIONS. 


123 


military operations. It is very clear that the 
army was not collected in sufficient force at the 
proper point, viz. the Sutledge. 

“ There is a curious order of the Governor- 
General’s, saying that, ‘ as obedience is the first 
duty of a soldier, the troops who remained in their 
cantonments are to be given the same allowance 
of batta as those in the field. 

“ I see this month’s ‘ Gazette ’ gives great 
changes. My friend Bonham gets the Lieut.- 
Colonelcy of the 10th Hussars; Hoyle, the 1st 
West India Begiment, as Lieut.-Colonel; Travers, 
Wodehouse, and Fleming, their companies in the 
24th. Poor Sir William MacGregor, whom I 
knew in Syria, and who came to see me at Ply¬ 
mouth, died the other day. He was a most 
agreeable person, and a great friend of mine. He 
was Captain in the 92nd Highlanders. 

“ I have no news to tell you from this place. 
To our surprise, Henry arrived here the other 
day, on his way home by Trieste. Finding we 
had left Corfu, he came down here; but there is 
so little to offer in the way of amusement, that I 
should think he will not pay us a long visit. We 
rode the other day to the top of Mount Skyros, a 
high mountain in this island, whence we had a 
most beautiful view. We were obliged to ride 
mules—the road being even worse than some of 

g 2 



124 EXCURSION TO MOUNT SKYROS. 

those in Syria, and the precipices very awkward 
to look at. Lily was of the party, and surprised 
every one by her nerve in riding along the edges 
of places where a slip might have been attended 
with serious consequences. When at the top, the 
view extended over several neighbouring islands 
like a map; and we could even see, completely 
over them, the blue sea which separated them 
from each other. 

“ Ithaca lay quite in view, but more to our 
right. Lily arrived as far as one summit, but, as 
she was tired, the rest of the party pushed on to 
the other, where even a better view was ob¬ 
tained, bringing in Cephalonia. 

“ You may imagine that we had enough work 
for one day, when I tell you that we started at ten 
o’clock in the morning, and did not get back to 
the fort till one o’clock next morning; having 
been in the saddle the greater part of the time, 
up tremendously steep passes, with scarcely any 
path at all, and the sun very hot all the way. It 
was dark as we returned; but the mules went 
well, and there were no accidents, save from their 
vicious tempers. I was kicked twice , and my two 
subalterns once each: luckily nobody seriously 
hurt. Lily fortunately rode a quiet‘ monture/ We 
dined at a convent, about a quarter of a mile from 
the top, and had a sort of bivouac supper there 


SAIL FOR THE CAPE. 


125 


coming back. I think I have told you all that I 
have time to write now. Lily sends you her love, 
and will write soon. She was very tired, as you 
may imagine, but is getting over her fatigues. I 
fear that this climate will be very hot when the 
summer comes on; and our little rooms are not 
very well built to keep away heat. Henry sends 
his love. He says that he wrote to Gertrude 
before leaving Naples. He has come round by 
Malta hither. 

“ With love to all, believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major-Gen. the Hon. Henry Murray , C.B., 

Devonport .” 


[Received 9th January, 1847.] 

“ Cape of Good Hope, 

“ My dear Father, “Oct. 27,1846. 

“ Being much pressed for time at the 
last, when leaving Gibraltar, I was only able to 
write you a very short letter ; and, as that was 
in the midst of considerable interruption, I can¬ 
not remember whether I gave you much account 
of our proceedings there. We sailed the same 
evening that we were embarked, being towed 



126 


VOYAGE TO THE CAPE. 


nearly as far as Cape Spartel by the ‘ Phoenix ’ 
steamer (the same that I remember making so 
pleasant a voyage in to Syria). 

u We were then abandoned to our fate. Sir 
Bobert Wilson, who had superintended our em¬ 
barkation, came on board, previous to our depar¬ 
ture, to wish us a good voyage. I hope, 
whatever I may have omitted in my last letter, 
that I mentioned how kind he was to us, for 
nothing could be more attentive and kind than 
his conduct. Our voyage has been, though not a 
rapid one, very favourable. We passed the Ca¬ 
naries about six days after leaving Gibraltar, 
running between them and the coast of Africa ; 
then passing the Cape Verd Islands, about a 
week afterwards (out of sight, however), we 
crossed the line on the 30th September. Our 
course then lay towards South America, in order 
to get the advantage of the trade winds, which 
set in a north-easterly direction. After steering 
in this manner for about 10 degrees south of the 
line, we altered our course on the 3rd of October, 
and, crossing the Tropic of Capricorn on the 
9th, made the Cape at about 5 o’clock this 
morning. 

“ The men have been very healthy during our 
voyage; and, in fact, all of us have been in very 
good health. The incidents of the voyage have 


TABLE BAY. 


127 


been but few. A couple of sharks followed us for 
some distance, and one (a very large fellow) car¬ 
ried off 14 lbs. of salt pork, which had been hung 
over the side, belonging to the men. Many 
attempts were made to hook him; but, having 
breakfasted so well, he could not be prevailed 
upon to dine. A younger one followed us some 
distance, but was equally cautious, though not 
equally fortunate in plundering. Some grampus 
(and, I heard, some whales) were also seen ; and 
within a week since two albatrosses were shot; 
luckily, they did not give us bad luck, like the 
‘ Ancient Mariner. 5 One was a very fine bird, 
measuring 10 feet from tip to tip when his wings 
were spread. The other, though nearly as large, 
was not as well marked. Both were brought on 
board. We have seen no land since the Canaries, 
and you may imagine that its appearance, at 
last, is a welcome sight. We are now beating 
into Table Bay, the wind being contrary; and 
it is at present uncertain whether we shall 
be able to anchor there to-night or to-morrow 
morning, for the Table Mountain, a high bluff 
mass, which gives the Bay its name, has got what 
the sailors call the ‘ table-cloth ’ on, i. e. a mass 
of fleecy clouds round the summit, and until this 
clears away the wind is likely to remain adverse. 
However, in order to prevent leaving all the 


128 


TABLE BAY. 


writing to the last, I have written this account 
of our proceedings hitherto. Two or three ships 
are now beating in before us ; but we cannot tell 
whether the ‘ Equestrian/ our head-quarter trans¬ 
port, is one of them. We have seen nothing of 
her during the voyage, but one day a vessel was 
seen in the distance which the Captain thought 
Was her; too far off, however, to make any signal 
out. I suppose a few hours will now decide 
whether we are to land at Cape Town or to run 
on about six hundred miles to Algoa Bay, for the 
purpose of moving up the frontier; our probable 
destination will then be Graham’s Town. In the 
former case we shall be pretty well put up; in 
the latter, I suspect we shall have rough work of 
it. I shall be able to tell you more when we are 
actually at anchor. If the Kaffir war is over we 
shall probably be at Cape Town. All our arms, 
accoutrements, &c., are in good order, so we shall 
disembark quite fit for service. The men say 
they want a few days on shore to refit, after this 
long voyage, and they will march anywhere after 
that. I hope we shall manage to keep them 
steady at first landing; but I fear the tempta¬ 
tion will be great, after so long a voyage as this 
(for you will recollect they had a week’s steam 
voyage from Corfu to Gibraltar to begin with). 
Horsford has worked them rather too much 


THE TROOPS ON BOARD. 


129 


during the voyage, giving them general parade 
in heavy marching order every week, which, as 
they had no convenient place to clean their 
things, turned them very sulky (and as they had 
never been accustomed to it on board former 
transports under Colonel Hope or Saumarez); so 
much so, that even their accustomed songs and 
dancing of an evening were discontinued, and 
they have been for some time gloomy and 
dispirited. Whether this may have some effect 
on their conduct ashore remains to be seen. 
However, we have had only one grave offence on 
board, and that (I am sorry to say) will he a case 
of reduction to the ranks of one of the colour 
sergeants—the crime drunkenness. Horsford has 
lately discontinued his marching order parades, 
but the mischief was done. To all of us he has 
been very quiet in the way of duties. I think, 
however, that the approach to land is beginning 
to raise the spirits of the men a little. I shall, 
having now exhausted the subject of the voyage, 
wait a little while to conclude my letter with 
what will probably be the most important news. 

“ A few hours will bring us in. You will be 
glad to hear that Lily does not look the worse 
for her voyage. She has, however, been troubled 
very much latterly with cough, which at times 
is so violent as to disturb her at night a good 

G 3 



130 


ARRIVAL AT CAPE TOWN. 


deal. The coldness of the new climate, which as 
we get farther south becomes colder, after passing 
the line, may perhaps account for the return of 
it, as, during some months in the Mediterranean, 
she had, as I hoped, quite got rid of it. I have 
been, as usual, quite well, and I think all the 
better for the sea air. Still I shall not he sorry 
to land, for two months 5 voyage is enough to tire 
one out. • 

“ Cape Town, Oct. 31, 1846. 

“We arrived in the course of the day after I 
began my letter, and I lost no time • in going on 
shore with Horsford in order to hear what was 
to he our destination, as well as the real state of 
affairs. Not meeting Horsford on his return 
from the Commandant’s (Colonel Piper, of the 
Engineers), I called on the Government Secretary 
(Mr. Montagu), who was exceedingly obliging, 
and gave me all the information I required. Sir 
P. Maitland is at Graham’s Town, on the frontier, 
where the whole disposable force is now as¬ 
sembled. The Kaffir war is only temporarily 
abated, in consequence of the want of supplies 
compelling the troops to fall hack. • 

“ The Governor has given his ultimatum to the 
Chiefs to lay down their arms and restore the 
cattle. They have answered that the cattle are 
all dead, and that they never heard of such a 


EXPECTED MOVEMENTS. 


131 


tiling as laying clown their arms. So all remains 
at present in suspense, until the arrival of fresh 
troops and supplies. 

“We have landed all our heavy baggage, and 
the wives of the soldiers, who are put up in 
barracks here. We then proceed, on Tuesday 
morning, to Algoa Bay, where we land and march 
on Graham’s Town. As we shall probably be some 
days on our route, camp equipage is supplied to us. 
Our right wing and head-quarters in the ‘ Eques¬ 
trian ’ have not yet been heard of; nor have any 
other transports arrived at Cape Town, except a 
wing of the 6th Foot, who move upon Algoa Bay 
and Graham’s Town with us. No heavy baggage is 
to be allowed, except what the bullock waggons 
can take. Our march is through the bush, and 
almost an enemy’s country, as the Kaffirs hover 
on the flanks and rear of the columns, and some¬ 
times cut off stragglers, giving no quarter to any 
one. Lily and one sergeant’s wife, who is her 
maid, are the only women who come with us, and 
they only go as far as Graham’s Town, where Mrs. 
Somerset and two or three other ladies are now 
living. We shall receive our further orders from 
Sir P. Maitland on our arrival at Graham’s Town. 
Rations are given to every officer’s wife at Gra¬ 
ham’s Town ; but the scarcity is very great of all 
comforts there. I have explained all that she 


132 


PREPARING FOR THE CAMPAIGN. 


will have to undergo to Lily, but she is not 
frightened by it, and is determined to go as far as 
Graham’s Town, which, Mr. Montagu tells me, is 
perfectly safe as long as she moves with the 
troops ; but that she must not be allowed to pro¬ 
ceed or follow the march a mile without a strong 
armed escourt. I have been at very great expense 
in preparing for our campaign. It is impossible 
to do duty on foot, as the marches are tremen¬ 
dously severe. Eivers have to be forded, and 
almost impracticable tracts of bush to be marched 
through; and then, as you know, the going 
round picquets and patrolling after going into 
camp or bivouac would use up anybody’s strength, 
and render him inefficient as an officer, if he was 
not mounted at some time during the day. I 
have, therefore (forage being allowed for two 
horses), determined on buying a horse here that 
I know to be tolerable, and running my chance of 
picking up something at Port Elizabeth, where 
we land. I have purchased a good side-saddle for 
Lily, whom I shall, however, persuade to keep in 
the waggon as long as possible ; and have fitted 
up another saddle for myself, with holsters, valise, 
and a sabretache that will either fasten to the 
saddle or to a belt. Our regulation sword being 
quite useless for active service, I have purchased 
an old one, like the one we used to have for the 


MILITIA DISBANDED. 


133 


men in the 15th, sabre fashion, with a strong 
iron scabbard and broad blade. Having no 
holster pistols, I bought a pair here, I think very 
good and cheap— 11., with case and implements 
complete. Lily has laid in a stock of provisions 
for Graham’s Town, such as rice, sugar, tea, coffee, 
preserved meats, portable soup, &c., for otherwise 
we should be ruined in pocket and starved in 
stomach at the frontier. 

“ Only five engineer and artillery officers, and a 
few of the sappers and artillery, are left as garri¬ 
son in this town, all the rest being on the frontier. 
The militia, harassed by the severe work they 
have had to undergo, have got so troublesome 
that the Governor has been obliged to disband 
them ; and, indeed, he cannot ration them. The 
troops give up their present clothing, &c., at 
Graham’s Town, and are there equipped in frocks 
and leather trowsers for the bush, leaving their 
packs, &c., behind. I hear, from the authority of 
an officer who returned a short time ago, that the 
troops are often sent with provisions for five days, 
and remain out in the bush ten! Some engage¬ 
ments have taken place, but as yet only four officers 
have been killed : Bambrick, of the 7tli Dragoon 
Guards, is one of them. The Kaffirs now will 
not meet our troops in the open field, but fire on 
them from the bush, and retire too quickly to be 


134 


SIR P. MAITLAND. 


overtaken. They are, luckily, said to be very 
bad shots. Sir P. Maitland had an opportunity 
of attacking them, not long ago, in the open 
plain, but his ‘ feelings of Christian forbearance 5 
are said to have prevented his availing himself of 
the moment. He is hand and glove with the 
missionaries on the frontier, and I heard that 
these very men are said to have supplied the 
Kaffirs with arms, while professing to be loyal 
to Government. I tell you these little bits of 
scandal as I pick them up, not vouching for the 
truth of them until I see something of affairs my¬ 
self. Still they are current in Cape Town; and as 
we can only judge of matters on the frontier by 
this sort of gossip, and by the Graham’s Town 
papers, perhaps it is as well to write them down, 
in lack of better information. 

“ I had the greatest difficulty in raising any 
money here, none of the banks choosing to 
cash a bill on England; but Mr. Montagu 
very kindly gave me an introduction to Messrs. 
Thomson and Watson, who are bankers and 
merchants here. Mr. Watson has been most 
kind. He cashed a bill on Cox for 100Z., dated 
29th October, and payable thirty days after 
sight, and has also promised me letters of 
credit on his correspondent at Port Elizabeth, 
who will give me a letter for Graham’s Town, to 


FINANCIAL MATTERS. 


135 


enable me to get anything on the frontier. 
Money is very scarce, the Commissariat getting 
hold of all the specie they can for the chest. I 
fear that the expenses will not be covered by this 
draft, and that before leaving this place I must 
again draw some money. I have to pay more 
than 40/. to the Captain of the transport, which 
he wishes me to do before we leave Cape Town. 
The armourer sergeant, foreseeing that when once 
in the field all damages of arms will become no 
longer chargeable, has brought his bill against 
the company, 26/., to be paid by me before we 
land at Algoa Bay. This is pleasant; and, coming 
just when one wants money, is particularly con¬ 
venient ! So much for- 5 s kind representation 

to the War Office of our contingent being more 
than enough! I only know that I did not touch 
one farthing of my August contingent, which is, 
as you know, 7/. a month, the whole being swal¬ 
lowed up for repairs of stocks, arms, and browning 
of barrels, besides paying the company. My 
two last months cannot be made out until head¬ 
quarters arrive, and I shall probably see nothing 
of this money for some time to come ; so that we 
are expected to pay out of our own pockets pre¬ 
vious to receiving the contingents. Once in the 
field, all damages of arms are paid by Government. 

“ Since writing this I have heard further par- 



136 


PURCHASE OF HORSES. 


ticulars relative to the state of the frontier. I 
have seen a Captain Wilder, of the E. I. C. 
cavalry, who is now here purchasing horses for 
the lOtli Hussars, and who is celebrated as a 
judge of a horse. I got recommended to me a 
man of the name of Melville, who has furnished 
some very good horses to Messrs. Thomson and 
Watson, and who bears the good character of 
giving always good horses for the money you give 
him. He brought me a rough-looking animal, 
rather out of condition, but sound and good- 
tempered, and of good paces. Captain Wilder, 
to whom I was referred, told me he has had the 
horse with his party up the country, that he was 
sound, quiet, and worked well, doing sometimes 
fifty and sixty miles a day over very rough 
country, and he strongly recommended me to buy 
him, which 'I have done,—the price 25/. He is 
an ugly beast, and lops his ears, but he does not 
want courage, and is perfectly quiet, and I think 
he will do very well. You may be rather enter¬ 
tained by the advice Captain Wilder gave me as 
to horses in this country. He says that, if the 
horse had not been already shod, he should have 
advised me not to shoe him at all; but if he wears 
his shoes out, or loses a shoe, his hind shoes 
should be taken off, and he should be kept well 
shod before, as little grooming as possible, and 



PURCHASE OF HORSES. 


137 


just his allowance of ration forage and no more. 
They hobble the horses here by fastening the 
head to the knee, and they are then turned loose 
to graze. By the bye the horses here are liable 
to a swelling like a wen, which comes behind the 
elbow, but does not interfere with their action. 
My horse has this, and Captain Wilder told me 
that it is best to leave it alone, and it will go 
down of itself; but if I particularly wish to get 
rid of it, to rub in a little turpentine; still it was 
far better to do nothing, as (except the appearance) 
it was no injury. He added that he had never 
seen it in any other country but this, and believed 
it was indigenous here. I have found a very nice 
horse for Lily, which she will try this afternoon, 
and it will also do to carry me. He is rather a 
pretty chesnut horse, strong, very well broke, 
and very good-tempered, and warranted sound . 
I have since found out that the country waggon 
has hardly any springs, so that it would be 
impossible for her to travel over rough ground in 
it, and therefore a horse is indispensable. I am 
in hopes that the Captain of the transport may 
be induced to take him for her to Algoa Bay. 
He is a stallion, which is certainly a defect, but 
he is good-tempered; and as his forage will not 
be very considerable (poor brute !), and his work 
hard, he will, I think, suit her. His price is 30/. 


138 


TRANSPORT OF HORSES. 


“ Nov. 3 rd .—Lily lias been so much pleased 
with the chesnut horse, and it would he so utterly 
impossible for her to accompany us without one, 
that I have bought him as well as the other. 
The Captain of our transport has (after some 
difficulty at first) made arrangements for taking 
all our horses (nine in number) on board, where 
they are stowed away in the fore-hold, which has 
been prepared for their reception. I have been 
obliged to take all manner of things with my 
horses, as nothing can be bought up on the 
frontier except at a ruinous expense. I have also 
taken forage for twelve days, as well as the rest 
of our officers, for the authorities, with their usual 
liberalit}^, have struck off the forage allowance to 
all but the horses of field-officers, in consequence 
of its scarcity, and our poor brutes will have to 
put up with all sorts of trash which we can get to 
fill their stomachs. By Captain Wilder’s advice 
I shall let them feed as usual (if they will) on 
board ship, and put them upon a smaller allow¬ 
ance of corn on shore, where (poor devils!) they 
are accustomed to hardship. I have taken two 
spare sets of shoes, with nails, which I carry in 
leather shoe-cases, made to fasten to the saddle, 
and have got Lily’s horse a pair of knee-caps, as 
he has been more accustomed to smooth roads and 
good feeding than mine, who, though awkward 


LOSS ON CHANGE OF MONEY. 139 

in appearance, is said to be an excellent working 
horse, especially upon small feeding. Wliat with 
saddling, forage, arms, &c., the outlay has been 
very considerable, so much so that I have, as 
indeed I partly anticipated, more than, doubled 
the amount of my first draft. On the other hand, 
nobody has started for the frontier without a 
horse, for it is literally impossible to do the work 
on foot. 

“ I hear Sir P. Maitland has shifted his 
quarters from Graham’s Town to Buffalo Biver, 
i. e. to William’s Town, whither we expect to 
follow on our arrival at Graham’s Town. Our camp 
equipage is now issued to us, and we sail at eight 
or nine o’clock to-morrow morning. By the way, 
besides other inconveniences, X have been obliged 
to change 70/. on account of the company (paid to 
me in dollars at Corfu), for which I can only get 
67/., owing to the loss of 2cl. on each dollar on 
turning it into British money. This X defray, as 
it would not be fair that the men should lose 
their money, when the fault is on the part of 
the Government. 

“ Although I am very sorry to be obliged to 
draw so very largely all at once, yet I think 
that, considering the emergency of the case, and 
going on active and hard service in a country 
where nothing is to be procured, and with the 



140 


LANDING OF HORSES. 


field commissariat in very bad order, I am justi¬ 
fied in supplying myself with everything before¬ 
hand. Should I find it impossible to feed the 
horses in any way, I can always sell them well at 
Graham’s Town, where the cavalry, being many of 
them dismounted, would be glad to give at all 
events troop price for a horse that was sound and 
fit for work. I shall leave no bills owing here , 
for up the country I can always draw through 
Messrs. Thomson and Watson’s agent at Port 
Elizabeth, and we shall have little or no use for 
ready money when once in the bush. Captain 
Wilder says, c The war is only beginning,’ and 
‘ il y aura des chapeaux a vendre,’ most certainly, 
if we do not soon bring the tribes to terms. 

“ The 7th Dragoon Guards have lost nearly all 
their baggage. It seems very strange that we 
should hear nothing of our right wing and head¬ 
quarters, who sailed the same day that we did from 
Gibraltar, and are not yet arrived. The horses 
were safely embarked to-day, and I hope, if our 
passage is quick to Algoa Bay, they will arrive 
safe. They are there landed in surf-boats, as 
anything else would be dashed to pieces there; 
and when the boat is well run into the sand they 
are hoisted into the water, and half swimming 
half walking they are dragged by a rope on shore. 
We are likely to encamp for a day at Port 


EMBARK FOR ALGOA BAY. 


141 


Elizabeth before marching on to Graham’s Town. 
It is said there is one point on the line of march 
where the Kaffirs sometimes attack the convoys, 
but I believe that otherwise there will not be 
much danger. However, as the head-quarters 
and right wing of the 6th are going with us, I 
do not think the Kaffirs will venture an attack. 

“ Nov. 4 th .—We are now all on board, and 
shall be off in an hour. The men seem in better 
spirits. There has been one man punished for 
insubordinate conduct, but otherwise all are be¬ 
having well. Lest I should forget, I sent a large 
atlas of mine in a box from Corfu, directed to 
your care at Devonport. Would you be so kind as 
to take care of it ? I have written to Messrs. Cox 
by this packet to mention the number of bills I 
have drawn, and to request they will attend to 
them. Would you also write to them on the 
subject ? We shall be off so soon that I must 
now wish you ‘Good bye.’ I will write again 
when I can, and Lily says she will do so from 
Graham’s Town. She sends you her best love. 

“ Believe me ever, 

“ My dear Father, 

“ Your most affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 

“ PS.—Give my love to my mother and Ger- 


142 


THE CAMPAIGN COMMENCED. 


trade, and tell Henry, if yon see him, I will 
write soon. By the way, I owe a letter to aunt 
Caroline, which I will write when I can get time 
to do so, pray tell her, with my love. 

“ Major-Gen. the lion. Henry Murray , 

Government House , Devonport .” 


[Pteceived 3rd Feb. 1847.] 

<c My DEAR Bather, “ Graham’s Town, Nov. 24, 1846. 

“ I seize the first opportunity of quiet in 
the course of a hard march to the scene of action 
here, to write to you a few lines to tell you how 
we get on. We march at five o’clock to-morrow 
morning to join your old friend and subaltern, 
Henry Somerset, who has already commenced the 
campaign, and is about to bring Pato, one of the 
most recusant of the Kaffir chiefs, to action. I 
am almost afraid we shall he late, for a wing of the 
6th Eegiment is before us, and Colonel Somerset 
is anxious to begin the business as soon as he 
receives any reinforcements. After my last letter 
we were embarked for the purpose of proceeding 
to Algoa Bay, and landed safely at Port Elizabeth, 
none of the horses, you will be glad to hear, 
suffering by the mode of conveyance or the 
landing. As the surf is very dangerous, we had 
some difficulty in landing them, and they were 



THE MARCH. 


143 


hoisted out of the surf-boats by a lever, which 
dragged them along the edge of the boats in a 
dreadful manner, but luckily none were injured. 
We encamped outside Port Elizabeth, and after 
nearly a couple of days’ delay, on account of not 
having landed the ammunition and obtained the 
waggons, we marched late in the afternoon of the 
1 Oth, and encamped a few miles from the town in 
a fine open grass country, not far from the sea. 
We crossed the Swart Kops (Black-heads) Biver, 
and after passing through some scattered bush 
country, in a hot and toilsome march of nearly 
fifteen miles, encamped at an open piece of ground 
on a hill skirted by bush, called ‘ Grass Bulge.’ 
Marched early next morning, and halted to rest 
for a few hours at a farmhouse inn on the other 
side of Sunday’s Biver, which we crossed. The 
celebrated Adow Bush, which commences high up 
the country, and stretches down to the sea, nearly 
touches this point; and as the Kaffirs were said 
to be in it, though only in straggling parties, we 
were obliged to be on our guard. We left our 
halting-place, and encamped for the night about 
eight miles farther, in a beautiful spot surrounded 
by bush, but perfectly open in itself. The hills 
commanded it on every side, but we were not 
molested, and at four o’clock next day continued 
our march over a wide open grass country (after 


144 


THE MARCH. 


moving about a mile further out of the edge of 
the hush), that reminded me of the Curragh of 
Kildare, only that the turf was not so favourable 
for galloping. We made unintentionally a longer 
march than was expected this day; the ground 
being favourable, and the oxen knocking up, we 
encamped near a farm about four miles from 
Bushman’s Biver, having passed over nearly all 
the vast grass-land called the Quagga Flats. 
Next morning we again started early, and, cross¬ 
ing Bushman’s Biver, moved through a beautiful 
country covered with bush, and halted to break¬ 
fast at a high open spot, about six miles from our 
starting-point. We again moved and encamped 
near Assegai Bush Biver, where the country is 
wide and open. We marched early, and reached 
a fine open slope, partly clothed with bush, in 
the course of which march we crossed a beautiful 
country, very much diversified with bush. We 
had halted to breakfast on the road. This last 
camp was within nine miles of Graham’s Town, 
but the oxen were so knocked up that the con¬ 
ductor of the waggons refused to move on the 
next day (Sunday), and we halted there for a day. 
The 6th Foot (right wing) had landed at Port 
Elizabeth about the same time we did, but, being 
the senior regiment, took their privilege and 
landed before us. They had marched a day before 


ARRIVAL AT GRAHAM’S TOWN. 


145 


us, and arrived at Graham’s Town on the Sunday, 
though I fully expected we should have overtaken 
and outmarched them. The Monday morning 
we marched early in the day, and after marching 
up Howison’s Post, a tremendously rough road 
up a steep pass in the hills, we came down upon 
Graham’s Town by a very steep hill, down which 
I was obliged to lead my horse, and most of the 
other horses had to go round in order to avoid. 
Our marching has been very severe work, and 
after the men had been so long on board ship 
they knocked up all the sooner. Still their spirit 
has carried them on, and we shall to-morrow leave 
only two or three behind us really used up. You 
will be surprised to hear that poor dear Lily rode 
the whole distance with us, starting often before 
four o’clock in the morning, and riding under a 
broiling sun a great part of the day, and sleeping 
in a tent at night. I am now obliged to leave 
her at Graham’s Town, as after reaching Colonel 
S.’s camp, near Waterloo Bay, we shall be obliged 
to leave our tents behind us, and bivouac. Pro¬ 
visions also are often scarce, as Colonel Somerset 
sometimes marches with only the biscuit for so 
many days, trusting to what they shoot on the 
march for meat. I have managed to get Lily a 
nice little house, for about five pounds a month 
(and taken by the month), in Graham’s Town, 


14G ARRANGEMENTS FOR MRS. MURRAY. 

where she will, I trust, he as comfortable as this 
wretched town will allow of. Everything is 
ruinously expensive.. 

“ The house Lily has taken is unfurnished, and 
nearly the only one to be had, as the people 
coming in from the country have occupied every¬ 
thing* since the war. Mrs. Somerset called on us 

O 

yesterday, and was very kind. She says it is 

impossible for Lily to go into barracks. 

I shall not take more than ten pounds with me 
to the frontier, as there will be little to expend 
money in except provisions , which are very dear, 
with the exception of ration meat. 

“ Messrs. Blaine have arranged with me to fur¬ 
nish Lily with what money she may require during 
my absence on service, which I do not think will 
be for a very long time. She is (poor little tiling !) 
very unhappy, being left without a single person 
near her except her own maid, and not knowing 
any one but Mrs. Somerset in the place, and Mrs. 
Mitchell, wife of Colonel Mitchell, of the 6th, 
with whom we made acquaintance on the march 

from Port Elizabeth.Mrs. Somerset 

is a very nice person, who, I am in hopes, will be 
very kind and of great assistance to Lily in her 
difficulties. An officer of the Cape Mounted 
Bifles, Mr. Salis, has taken charge of her horse 
for the time; and as the house has a single or 





THE HORSE “ MACOMO.” 


147 


double stall stable in the back yard, I am in hopes 
she will get him put up comfortably. Forage 
here is very expensive; but as there is nothing 
like a carriage to be got in Graham’s Town, a 
horse is her only chance of exercise, for walking, 
especially alone, is for a lady impossible, as the 
black people insult them in every way, the women 
especially. 

“You will be pleased to hear the chesnut 
horse has turned out very well. He carried Lily 
very quietly all the march, and I hope will 
continue to do so. She has christened him 
‘ Macomo,’ after the celebrated Kaffir chief. 

“ Pray write as soon as you have an oppor¬ 
tunity, and especially to Lily, as I cannot now 
receive a letter for some time, being up the 
country. 

“We move in the direction of Waterloo 

Bay. I shall soon be 

living cheaply enough, ‘ au clair de la lune,’ but 
in the towns everything is now ruinously expen¬ 
sive, furniture, even of the commonest sort, being 
exactly double what it is in England. 

“ I have no time to say more, for it is now 
eleven o’clock at night, and I must be up before 
four to-morrow morning. 

“ I am now getting quite used to early rising, 
the ‘Reveillee’ being my signal for rising. Poor 

n 2 



148 


CAMP NEAP THE KEI. 


Lily lias also been obliged to do the same, and I 
wonder how she has lasted through the fatigues. 
We had an alarm of Kaffirs one night, and one 
company was under arms before the mistake was 
discovered. 

“ Pray give my best love to my mother, 
Gertrude, and Henry, and tell them I will write 
when I can. 

“ And believe me, 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major- Gen. the Hon. Henry Murray .” 


[Received 14tli March, 1847.] 

“ Camp, 10 miles from Kei River, 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Dec. 25 (Christmas Day), 1846. 

“ I hope (to begin with) that you have 
had a merrier Christmas than we have. Poor 
Lily is alone at Graham’s Town, and I am just 
come in from a march which began at five o’clock 
this morning. 

“ Our course since I last wrote to you has been 
as follows:— 



MARCH FROM GRAHAM’S TOWN. 


149 


“We left Graham’s Town on the 25th of Novem¬ 
ber, and reached the month of the Great Fish 
Fiver in two days. This we crossed; the men 
and waggons in rafts, and swimming the horses 
and oxen. 

“We had hoped to join Colonel Somerset at 
Waterloo Bay (the mouth of the Fish Fiver), 
where he had been encamped for some time. On 
arriving, however, we found he had moved forward 
across the Keiskamma; and we accordingly fol¬ 
lowed by a lateral movement, ascending the left 
bank of Fish Fiver, as we had previously descended 
the right bank. 

“We reached Fort Peddie in two days from 
Waterloo Bay, and on the second day after leaving 
that post joined Colonel Somerset’s camp on the 
Chalumna Fiver, crossing the Keiskamma en 
route. I dined with Colonel Somerset the day 
we reached camp, and he was most kind, and 
seemed glad to see me out in this country. On 
the 3rd of December we marched (the whole 
division) from Chalumna Fiver, and encamped 
about five miles towards the Buffalo Fiver. On 
the 4tli we reached Buffalo Fiver, where we re¬ 
mained until the 20th of December, not, however, 
idle all the time, for on the 8th a large patrol of 
cavalry and infantry went out to clear the banks 
of the river as far as the mouth : two of our com- 


150 


TROOPS IN CAMP. 


panies went with this detachment. They returned 
on the 11th, having taken four hundred cattle and 
shot fifteen Kaffirs. 

“ On the 12th, head-quarters and right wing of 
Kifle Brigade joined the camp, which then con¬ 
sisted of the following troops :— 

Cavalry. 

Three squadrons Cape Mounted Rifles. 

One troop 7th Dragoon Guards. 

Four guns Royal Artillery. 

Two squadrons Mounted Burghers. 

Infantry. 

73rd Regiment. 

Rifle Brigade, right wing and Head-quarters. 

6 th Regiment. 

Fingoe Corps. 

The whole force being nearly 2500 men. 

“ During our stay at Buffalo Biver the Kaffir 
chief Umhala brought in a great number of his 
tribe to register their names as subjects of the 
British Government, and delivered up their arms. 
Umhala has now submitted, and is treated as 
friendly to us. 

“ Another patrol of cavalry went out towards 
Chalumna Kiver, and brought in 250 head of 
cattle, and shot some Kaffirs. These belonged to 
Pato’s tribe, who still holds out, and against whom 
our present campaign is directed. 



ON STAFF-SERVICE. 


151 


“ On the 19th Colonel Somerset asked me if I 
could get leave to serve on his staff as A.D.C.; and 
on my saying that I believed there would he no 
difficulty, he wrote to Major Egerton on the 
subject, who made no objection. I accordingly 
have acted as his A.D.C. ever since, which, as 
there is a good deal to be seen, is a great advan¬ 
tage, as I am constantly with him instead of 
marching with my own company. 

“ We left Buffalo Biver camp on the 21st of the 
month, and, crossing the Buffalo, moved to the 
Kahoon River, where we encamped. Umhala 
joined us with about thirty mounted men of his 
tribe, and rode with us as far as Kahoon River. 
We were a long time waiting for the waggons (of 
which an immense train follow us), and some were 
not in before nightfall. 

“ Another patrol of cavalry and infantry were 
detached the same day, previous to leaving Buffalo; 
and these did not join us until very late at our 
camp on the Kahoon: they had very hard work, 
and took nothing. 

“We moved the next day at two o’clock p.m. 
across the Kahoon in three columns. Cavalry 
and guns by a ford (or drift as it is called here) 
on the left, and Rifles on the right by another with 
water above their knees. Colonel Somerset and 
I rode across an intermediate one, and he then 


152 ENCAMPMENT BY THE GONABER. 

sent me back across it to bring the infantry 

4 

column through that one. I arrived too late for 
the Rifle Brigade; but led back the 73rd and 6th, 
and took them across it. After marching through 
an open country we reached the Gronaber, or 
Bramble River, remarkable from the precipices 
covered with bush which form its banks. We 
encamped in an open valley dose to the river; 
and Colonel S. and I rode down to a drift lower 
down the stream, in order to see whether it was 
practicable. 

“ He found it a good deal enclosed with bush, 
and sent me with some Burghers to clear the 
way a little. He afterwards superintended some 
alterations himself, and as it was very late we 
rode back to camp. Next morning at four o’clock 
we marched. 

“ Colonel S. sent me to conduct the cavalry 
across the river, but the drift was so slippery 
that Napier, who commanded them, was obliged 
to dismount and lead the horses over; there 
were a good many falls, and Colonel S. came down 
to superintend the passage. 

“ The infantry got across by a more rocky 
place where the stream was narrow; but we had 
to get the guns over by a still lower drift, and 
even there it was wonderful there were not more 
accidents. 


ARRIVAL AT THE KALOGHA. 


153 


“ I was much amused at the way Colonel 
S. objurgated the drivers of the waggons when 
it came to their turn, and, as it was in Dutch , 
the effect was very fine. 

“We reached the Kalogha Biver by noon, 
and halted on the same side of it, intending 
to cross in the afternoon. But so heavy a rain 
came on, and the hill the waggons had to come 
down was so steep, that they could not come 
up, and the passage was put off, and the camp 
formed. 

“ Some awful accidents took place with the 
waggons. The pole and fore wheels of one broke 
off when going down hill, and the waggon turned 
completely head over heels. 

“ On the first day’s march from Buffalo a waggon 
that carried ammunition upset, and was three- 
quarters of an hour in the water; hut the tumbles 
on this day were terrific, and we were obliged to 
leave about thirty at the top of the hill, and send 
one hundred men up to guard them for the 
night. 

“ We crossed the river at three o’clock p.m. 
next day (yesterday), and formed our camp on 
the other side. This passage was very successful, 
and it was lucky we did not move further, for so 
heavy a thunderstorm came on that we should 
have been wet through. 

h 3 


154 


MARCH CONTINUED. 


“ This morning we marched at five o’clock np 
a ridge of heights and over a magnificent plain 
country, which is, however, more a ‘ plateau ’ than 
a flat, and stands very high. The march of the 
column across it was a fine sight. 

“ We halted at ten o’clock for two hours, and 
then moved on to this place, which is in the fork 
of two streams at the edge of the plain. It is not 
far from the Umsinga River, and, as I have called 
it, about ten miles from the Kei (as the crow flies). 

“ This will be a permanent camp (I believe), 
as it is impossible to overtake and engage the 
Kaffirs if the waggons are with you, as they are 
seen from an amazing distance, and their slowness 
of movement prevents anything like rapid opera¬ 
tions. The length of our column, waggons and 
all, is more than four miles. As the country is 
extremely undulating, you may imagine at what 
a distance our march can be distinguished. 

“We are now close to a valley where Pato is 
supposed to be with his cattle. He tried to cross 
the Kei, but Kreli, whose country is there, re¬ 
fused to allow him. He is thus thrown back 
upon us. 

“ Our column was moved upwards from the 
sea-coast, while the Governor, from his camp at 
Block Drift, has moved a column consisting of 
the 73rd Begiment, commanded by Colonel John- 


WARDEN’S POST. 


155 


stone (a son-in-law of Colonel Somerset’s), and 
the Hottentot levy, to King William’s Town, so 
as to cut Pato off from the mountains. 

“ 2 §tli Dec .—Since writing this I have been 
with Colonel Somerset and twenty of the Cape 
Mounted Bifles a long ride towards the Kei. 
We started at eight o’clock this morning, and 
have only come into camp at four o’clock p.m, 

“We rode first towards a ruined fort called 
Warden’s Post, which was established during the 
last war. On reaching this we halted, and Colonel 
S. looked for some time with his glass without 
discovering Kaffirs or cattle. 

“We could see the hills beyond the Kei, but 
the ground rose and fell in such a succession of 
precipitous hanks and high ridges that thousands 
might be concealed without the possibility of 
seeing them. 

“ There was a more elevated point of an inter¬ 
vening ridge which I pointed out to Colonel 
S. as a place whence a view might be obtained 
of the valley of the river itself, and he sent 
Bisset, the D. Q. M. General, with six men, to 
look from there at the opposite banks. 

“We waited with the rest of the men some 
time at a short distance to the rear, but con¬ 
siderably in advance of the post where we first 
halted. 


156 


THE KEI. 


“ Bisset soon returned. He had seen all the 
hills the other side of the Kei covered with 
cattle, and a very few left on this hank. 

“ The river is in a perfect flood and con¬ 
sequently impassable. If Pato is on this bank 
he will be hemmed in, but he has probably gone 
across with all his people, which will protract the 
war. We shall now possibly move down to the 
mouth of the river and clear out the valley this 
side of any Kaffirs who may be there. 

“ On leaving the place when we had recon¬ 
noitred, we took another course to fall in with 
the Governor, whom we expected to join us to-day 
by the road from King William’s Town. 

“ After riding over the country for several 
miles we saw his column of waggons on an open 
green slope at a distance. We soon came up to 
them, and found the Governor had ridden out to 
the flank with a troop of Dragoon-Guards to re¬ 
connoitre. 

“ The waggons halted, and the Governor soon 
after returned. Colonel Bichardson, of the 7th 
Dragoon Guards, and two troops of the regiment, 
the Hottentot levy, and some men of the 90th, 
were all the troops that were with the column 
when we met it. Colonel S. introduced me to 
the General, who was accompanied by his son 
and Colonel Cloete, the Q. M. General. 


SIR P. MAITLAND- 


157 


“ Sir P. Maitland was dressed in a pea-jacket, 
staff trowsers, and brass spurs, and a broad- 
brimmed wliite hat. He is in figure, and the 
way he sits on horseback, very like the present 
Lord Cathcart, so much so, that, had his back 
been turned, I should, if I had not known that 
he could not be out here, have spoken to him as 
Lord C. He seems a gentlemanlike, civil person, 
and is for his age remarkably active. 

“ In showing him* the way back to our camp, 
at a turn in the path he cut across with the troop 
of Dragoon Guards, while Colonel S. and I rode 
with the patrol the other way, making an angle. 

“ Suddenly he started off at such a pace that 
Colonel S. and I had to gallop at the top of our 
horses’ speed to overtake him, as Colonel S. said 
it would never do for the General to reach his 
camp before him. 

“ He has now pitched his tent in the midst of 
our camp. 

“ How, having given you all the details of our 
campaign up to this day, perhaps you would like 
to hear something of the way in which we carry 
on business. 

“ Our camp always is formed in a hollow square, 
each side being one hundred and fifty paces. 

<c As we are at present arranged, the Cape 
Mounted Rifles form the front; the Artillery, 


158 


FOEM OF ENCAMPMENT. 


wing of tlie 6tli, and troop of Dragoon Guards 
the right face; the Rifle Brigade the left; and 
the 73rd Regiment the rear. The Burghers camp 
in a separate square ‘ en echelon 5 to ours, so that 
if the camp were attacked the front would be clear. 

“ The waggons of each corps form a barricade, 
twelve paces in front of their respective corps; 
so that we have a regular square of waggons 
round us. 

“ Except the Cape Corps and cavalry and artil¬ 
lery, each regiment forms two lines of tents; 
the officers forming a third in rear. 

“ The angles of the camp are a little open, to 
admit of moving in and out of camp. 

“ The troops the Governor brought form a 
separate camp on the other side of the valley, 
on a slope a few hundred yards from us. 

“ This has been our form of encampment all 
the way, and is Colonel Somerset’s usual practice 
in all his Kaffir campaigns. 

“ Our order of march has hitherto been—first 
the Cape Mounted Rifles, then four guns, fol¬ 
lowed by the troop of Dragoon Guards and two 
squadrons of Burghers, then the 6tli Regiment, 
73rd Regiment, and Rifle Brigade in succession, 
the waggons coming after in a long file, and 
guarded by a company of infantry and detached 
men from each corps. 


ORDER OF MARCH. 


159 


“ The Fingoes generally close the march of 
the infantry, armed with assegais, muskets, and 
shields, and with little other clothing but blan¬ 
kets and karosses, wearing old hats, and in some 
cases shakos. 

“ Since writing the above, I have been on 
another patrol with Colonel Somerset and the 
Governor, beyond Warden’s Post, this morning 
(Sunday). 

“ Bis set, with another party of forty men, 
crossed the Kei with water only up to the girths, 
so the river is evidently falling. 

“We march with 2000 men from this camp 
to-morrow, which remains standing with about 
800 men to guard it. 

“We take our tents and provisions for six 
days, and work down this bank towards the 
mouth of the river, where we probably form a 
camp, and then cross it without any waggons at 
all, and try up again. 

“ A certain force will watch the drift near 
Warden’s Post, and prevent the Kaffirs from 
slipping back again, which they will probably try 
to do. Thus hemmed in, they will be obliged to 
fight. 

“ I have now told you all the news. Colonel 
Somerset begs to be very kindly remembered to 
you. He has grown so much older in appear- 


160 


COLONEL SOMERSET. 


ance you would hardly know him. His hair is 
quite grey, and he wears large grey moustache 
and whiskers, which make him look not unlike 
the pictures of Blucher. He is very active, and, 
being short, is easily mounted. His horses are 
small, but all in the Hussar style, and he is 
always in the saddle. 

“ Nothing can exceed his kindness to me. He 
has got me appointed to his staff, and has lent 
me one of his own horses, a very nice little stal¬ 
lion, who carries me famously, and has also given 
me over a spare troop horse, and permission to 
draw forage for him. So I take the field with 
three horses, and have nothing to pay for the 
keep of any, as each officer of infantry is allowed 
forage for one horse, the troop horse draws his 
own forage, and Colonel Somerset feeds his stal¬ 
lion. The allowance of corn is very small, only 
three pounds a day, but all horses here graze, and 
the pasture is so rich that it helps them a good 
deal. 

“ The way they go on with horses here would 

surprise you in England. After a march of 

• 

several miles, when the oxen halt to ‘ outspan,’ 
as it is called, and graze, the cavalry 6 off-saddle,’ 
blanket and all. The horses are then knee- 
lialtered with a strap of leather to graze, with a 
guard to watch them. They are allowed to water 


TREATMENT OF HORSES. 161 

and roll as much as they like, and in about two 
or three hours they are called in, saddled, and the 
rest of the march is finished. 

“ On arriving in camp, ‘ off-saddle 5 again, and 
another graze and water. 

“ No fear seems to he had of sore hacks, 
though the saddles are taken off while the horses 
are quite hot. I generally have my horse’s hack 
rubbed for a few minutes to dry it, hut it is not 
usual to do so. 

“ In the course of our patrol yesterday we 
4 off-saddled.’ 

Cf No hind shoes are worn, and my troop horse 
has no shoes at all. 

“ A number of spare troop horses accompany 
the Cape Mounted Kifles; and if a horse gets a 
sore hack he is turned loose, and driven with the 
spare horses, until he is all right again. Of course 
these are rather frisky when put hack in the 
ranks. Mine is said to he got by ‘ Tranby,’ and 
is, though out of condition, a very nice horse. 
I arrange so as to ride each once in three days. As 
my riding is hard, having to carry orders and go 
on ‘ reconnoissances,’ it gives each horse two 
days’ rest to get right; and at the least one 
day. 

“ Colonel S. takes great care of me, and 
insists on my lying down and resting after we 


162 


LIFE IN CAMP. 


come in. My tent is pitched close to his, and I 
breakfast with him, Bisset, and Napier (son of Sir 
G. Napier), who commands the Cape Mounted 
Rifles, while Colonel S. commands the division, 
and dine with them also, as it would not be 
convenient to dine with our own people now 
that I am attached to head-quarters, as they are 
over the other side of the camp, and I have a 
waggon to carry all my things, and this goes 
with Colonel Somerset’s, so that we get put up 
nearly the first. 

“ I have not had to draw any money of late, 
but must soon draw a little for house expenses at 
Graham’s Town, where poor Lily is left alone. I 
was very sorry to have been obliged to draw so 
much at first starting; but it was unavoidable, as 
I could not have taken the field without. If you 
knew what a thoroughly wild country this is, and 
the enormous price of everything, you would be 
surprised. 

“ Colonel Somerset says you should come out 
here as Governor, as the country would delight 
you from being so good a riding country. It is 
certainly the finest I ever saw, and one may gal¬ 
lop for miles without a check. 

“ I shall hope to hear from you soon. 

“ Captain Burnaby, who commands the Artil¬ 
lery here, lent me two Devonport papers: one 


NEWS FROM ENGLAND. 


163 


mentioned tlie Queen’s visit, and the other that 
of the Duke and Lord Anglesey. I should have 
liked to have been there for the latter. 

“ I hope that you will be what is called cleri¬ 
cally translated, when the Devonport command 
ceases, to some other appointment. I must con¬ 
clude in haste, for the post is ready, with love 
to all. 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Captain Burnaby wishes to be remembered 
to Colonel Budyard. Bemember me kindly to 
Colonel Hamilton Smith, and tell him I have a 
letter on the stocks for him. Bemember me to 
all old friends at Devonport. 

“PS. Give my love to Gertrude, and Henry 
when you write to him. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray .” 


[Received 31st March, 1847.] 

“ Camp at the Komga River, 

“ My DEAR Father, “January 15, 1847. 

“I think, in my last letter, I gave you 
an account of our proceedings as far as the junc¬ 
tion of our division with Sir P. Maitland. We 
have since carried out our campaign beyond the 



164 


PLAN OF OPERATIONS. 


Kei, and may be said to have returned yesterday. 
The troops having marched, with only the men’s 
tents and light baggage, as far as the lower Kei 
Drift (a day or so after my last letter), we left the 
main body of waggons and tents under Colonel 
Vandermeulen, of the 73rd, in the spot I last 
wrote from. 

“ The plan of operations was then organized as 
follows:—Colonel Somerset, with two squadrons 
of C. M. Rifles, a squadron of Dragoon Guards, 
Hogg’s Hottentot Levy, and Gibson’s company 
of Rifle Brigade, was to cross the lower drift over 
the Kei; and, after exploring the coast, to bring 
up their right shoulders and move up the river 
upon Butterworth, where Rato was reported to 
be with his cattle. 

“ Sir P. Maitland, with one squadron of 7th 
Dragoon Guards, and the 6th, 73 rd, and Rifle 
Brigades, was to escort back the light baggage 
and tents to the old camp, which he was then to 
place in a favourable situation ; and then, crossing 
by the drift near Warden’s Post, attack Pato 
in front. The light mule-waggons and artillery 
were to accompany the Governor’s column. There 
being some doubt as to the intelligence of Pato’s 
movements, Napier, with a cavalry patrol, to 
which the Rifle Brigade was afterwards added, 
crossed the Kei by the lower drift, and took 


CROSS THE KEI. 


165 


some cattle near the coast; while the infantry 
and Dragoon Guards, preceded by a squadron 
of C. M. Bifles, moved down the opposite 
bank towards the mouth of the river, where the 
C. M. Bifles shot some Kaffirs and took their 
cattle. Colonel Somerset took the command of 
this last column, under the Governor’s superin¬ 
tendence ; and we had some fun in capturing the 
cattle. We returned to the camp at the lower 
drift, and were, a day afterwards, joined by 
Napier, who brought a very considerable quan¬ 
tity of cattle over with him. One of our poor 
fellows (Okey, of Horsford’s company) was shot 
* through the head, and another man wounded in 
the thigh, by the Kaffirs, who hung on the rear 
of Napier’s troops while they crossed the river. 
Several Kaffirs were shot by our men. 

“ On the 31st December the projected movement 
took place. The Governor, taking with him the 
troops originally arranged for him, returned to 
the main camp. Colonel Somerset, the next 
day (New-year’s Day), crossed the Kei, with his 
column, unmolested. I, of course, accompanied 
him. We found one poor Bifleman lying, stripped, 
under a tree, much torn by the birds and beasts; 
and he was buried by some of the Provisionals 
under my direction—Colonel S. having sent me 
down to see it done. 



166 


KAFFIRS SHOT. 


“ I was fortunate in getting back scot-free; 
for Colonel S., seeing me going clown alone, 
stopped me, and sent some men to escort me to 
the spot. Having seen the arrangements made, I 
returned, and was afterwards told that a Kaffir had 
been seen and shot by the Provisionals, lurking in 
the bush close by. Had I gone down alone, he 
would perhaps have given me an assegai. We 
moved to a camp a short distance from the other 
side of the drift; and Gibson, seeing eight Kaffirs 
dogging the Provisional cavalry, detached some 
men, who shot them all in a pit, where they had 
concealed themselves. The men were very savage, 
crying, at each shot, ‘ There’s for poor Okey! ’ 
Another Kaffir was shot this night, by a sentry, 
trying to force his way into our bivouac with an 
assegai in his hand. So much for New-year’s 
Day in Kaffirland! We next morning moved 
to a spot near the Kogha Kiver, under the shoul¬ 
der of some hills, and quite in sight of the sea. 
Colonel S. rode, with Napier and myself, and some 
Mounted Rifles, to reconnoitre the country; and, 
seeing a large tract of bush running on some hills 
at a right angle with the sea, determined to 
explore it—moving the infantry upon it in the 
morning, and the cavalry taking a circuit so as to 
turn it between its left and the coast. At three 
in the morning next day we made our move- 


MARCH UPON BUTTERWORTH. 


167 


ment, taking some cattle near the coast, which 
delayed us, and obliged us to return in a parallel 
direction, instead of turning the hush according 
to the original plan. 

“ It was late in the evening before the infantry 
returned, having been a long distance, and being 
much knocked up. We formed our bivouac round 
the cattle we had captured, and passed the night 
unmolested, except by rain, which fell heavily. 
Next day, the 4th, we moved upon Butterworth, 
through a drizzling rain, which soon after changed 
to thick fog. 

“ We found the spoor of cattle coming down the 
road, which here runs towards Butterworth, and, 
soon after, cattle were visible in the kloofs or deep 
ravines to our right. Colonel S. told me, as we rode 
together at the head of the advanced guards, that he 
thought these were Pato’s cattle coming from the 
Governor’s column, which must have crossed the 
Kei. I said—‘ Perhaps we may run upon him in 
this foff.’ About ten minutes afterwards three 
Kaffirs came down the road, not twenty paces 
from us; the rain, which drifted in their faces, pre¬ 
venting them from seeing us as soon as we did 
them. The Colonel called out—‘ There they are.’ 
I was a second before I could undo my holster, 
and they rushed away to our right. 

“ I galloped forward and fired a shot at them, 


168 


MARCH UPO^ BUTTERWORTH. 


but missed, from the thickness of the fog. Soon 
after, the column halted, and, the fog rising a 
little, we could see better under it. Colonel 
Somerset rode with me to reconnoitre, and soon 
after Napier reported that, in moving to the 
front with some flankers, he had fallen in with 
some mounted Kaffirs, who crossed his front at 
a gallop. The Colonel now spread out the ca¬ 
valry, retaining only the squadron of dragoons, 
which he afterwards divided by troops , in order to 
cover more ground. We were trotting with Major 
Gibson, of the 7th Dragoon Guards, and a few 
orderlies in advance; and, on turning the shoul¬ 
der of a hill, at the corner of a bush that covered 
it, fell in with about a dozen mounted Kaffirs, 
who scurried away up the hill; some, however, 
trying to make for the kloof below on the right. 
I galloped up this to head them; and, by dint of 
Somerset hallooing at his men, a few shots were 
fired at them on the hill—which fire they re¬ 
turned. A dismounted Kaffir came down the hill 
towards me, making for the kloof. I snapped my 
pistol five times at him, but, being wet, it did not 
go off, and he walked into the bush. Colonel 
S. fired his at those on the hill. A bullet 
whizzed so close to me, that I thought it touched 
my clothes; but whether fired by the Kaffirs or 
by the Cape Corps in pursuit of them I cannot 


SIR P. MAITLAND RECALLED. 


169 


tell. Soon after the fog cleared away, and we 
could see quantities of cattle and Kaffirs in the 
kloofs, who were too safely placed to get at 
them. Some cattle were, however, taken; and 
the horses being all knocked up, Colonel S. 
bivouacked near the place for the night with 
the captured cattle. Next morning we marched 
to Butter worth, where we met Sir P. Mait¬ 
land, who, with his column, had arrived there 
the evening before. On our way we crossed a 
splendid plain, extending between the Goa, or 
Butterworth Biver, where Pato had been, and the 
kloofs to which he escaped from us the day 
before. To show the value of time in war, the 
halt of two hours to breakfast, which we made on 
the morning of the 4th, prevented us from falling 
in with Pato on the open plain, where we should 
have cut up all his people and taken most of his 
cattle—the ground admitting of moving 20,000 
cavalry. Sir P. Maitland asked us to breakfast 
at his waggon, where we fed most heartily. In 
the course of the day the mail arrived with the 
news of Sir P. Maitland’s recall, and Sir Henry 
Pottinger’s appointment; and in the morning of 
the 7th the Governor left us, being escorted by 
Colonel Somerset and several officers commanding 
corps on his way. I was of the party. Before 
leaving he published a general order, thanking 

I 


170 


MARCH TO THE KOMGA. 


the troops for their conduct during the war, and 
congratulating them upon the speedy conclusion 
of their labours. He also thanked, by name, 
many officers; and requested that Colonel Somer¬ 
set would further write to him a report of the last 
operations, naming such officers of his division 
as he had not had time to mention in general 
orders. Sir P. Maitland also said that he would 
use all his influence to obtain brevet-rank for such 
officers as were mentioned. Since the General’s 
departure Colonel Somerset has taken command 
of the whole army on the frontier, and, as Sir 
H. Pottinger has only a civil appointment, I 
hope he will retain it. 

“ On the 8th we marched towards the upper 
Kei Drift, and bivouacked at the Dabagus, a 
stream running at right angles to the Kei. 
Kext morning, finding that a considerable quan¬ 
tity of cattle were in the plains between it and 
the Somo (a river which runs parallel to it in a 
northerly direction), we made a patrol of nearly 
all our force, and captured a large number, shoot¬ 
ing several Kaffirs. We camped that night near 
the Sorno, where the rain detained us a day ; and 
on the 11th we moved to a spot on the heights, 
about seven miles from the Kei, called the Springs, 
where we bivouacked for the night. On the next 
day we moved down to the Kei Drift, but the 


MASSACRE OF OFFICERS. 


171 


river was so swollen by the rains that it was 
impassable. 

“ On our way down we received the melan¬ 
choly news of poor Gibson and Howell, of our 
regiment, and Mr. Chetwynd, of the 73rd (son 
of Lord Chetwynd), having been massacred by 
the Kaffirs the afternoon of the preceding day. 
The event happened as follows :—Captain Fraser, 
of the 73rd, with a detachment composed of 73rd, 
6th, and Kifles, had been sent down to the drift 
for the purpose of guarding such of the Commis¬ 
sariat waggons as might cross to us (for we were 
getting hard up for supplies), and also reporting 
on the state of the drift. This officer, finding his 
detachment was short of meat, sent a small party 
of the different regiments, under Gibson, to get 
cattle from some of the neighbouring Kaffir kraals. 
Poor Howell (our assistant surgeon) volun¬ 
teered to go with them for the sake of a ride. 
The sergeant of the 6tli’s statement was that the 
officers, accompanied by four mounted Hottentots, 
left him in charge of the party and rode on in 
front; that he saw them driving some cattle 
out of a kloof or ravine near the kraals; all at 
once about one hundred Kaffirs rushed out and 
surrounded them; that a sharp firing took place; 
and that, on hurrying up to the place about a mile 
and a half distant, they only found two horses 
lying dead, one of which was identified as poor 

i 2 


172 


MASSACRE OF OFFICERS. 


Chetwynd’s, and three Kaffirs also killed, but 
no trace of the officers. As it was growing dusk, 
and the Kaffirs were hallooing and throwing 
assegais and stones, and apparently in great num¬ 
bers, he had retired quietly with his party, and 
got them safe off to the bivouac. Colonel Somerset 
sent one hundred men, under Captain Bringhurst, 
of the ( J0th, to search for them the day before 
yesterday, and they found the bodies of the poor 
fellows lying all together, stripped and very much 
torn by the vultures. They seemed to have been 
killed by gunshot wounds, though they had also 
been much stabbed with assegais. They were 
brought back to the infantry camp, which was 
nearer than the drift, and then buried in one 
grave. It seems, from the account of two of the 
Hottentots who escaped, that they tried to ride 
through the Kaffirs, but that two of the horses 
being wounded they dismounted, and were then 
surrounded and slain, their ammunition also 
running short. You cannot think what a gloom 
this tragical event has thrown over our people, 
and we cannot help thinking the campaign a 
disastrous one, as the capture of ten thousand 
cattle does not compensate for the loss of three 
British officers. Poor Gibson’s papers were in to 
sell out; and being married to Miss Blakeney, 
daughter of the resident at Paxo, his intention 
was to return and settle at Corfu. He has one 


CROSSING THE KEI. 


173 


little boy, and poor Mrs. Gibson must by this 
time be expecting his return. Poor Howell I 
knew very well at Santa Maura, where he was 
with the detachment as medical officer. He was 
one of the most amiable people possible, and 
simple and unaffected and gentlemanlike in his 
manner. He was also very attentive, and to his 
exertions I think the health of the detachment 
was a great deal indebted. I used to see a great 
deal of him there, for, being very well informed, 
he was often our companion in little parties over 
into Greece, &c., and was always a great friend of 
ours. I am extremely sorry for this unfortunate 
and melancholy event. Clietwynd I did not 
know, but hear he was a most amiable person. 

“ Yesterday morning we crossed the Kei with 
the cavalry, but, as the current was tremendous, 
the guns, infantry, and cattle still remain on the 
other side. One troop sergeant-major of the 7th 
Dragoon Guards and two Cape Mounted Riflemen 
were drowned, horses and all. Colonel Somerset, 
myself, and two or three orderlies, crossed the 
first, and by the exertions of keeping our horses’ 
heads to the stream, and keeping well together, 
we got over safely. Bisset, of the Cape Mounted 
Rifles, acting D. Q. M. General, had previously 
crossed and directed us in our passage, but we 
were very nearly swamped by getting too low 
down. The water was considerably over my 


174 


CAMP ON THE KOMGA. 


knees on horseback ; my horse was twice (I think) 
off his feet. We moved on here to the main 
camp, which is pitched near a river called the 
Komga, which flows into the Kei on this side. 
The doctor of the Cape Mounted Rifles was upset 
in crossing the Kei, horse and all, and escaped by 
swimming ashore. I think I saw at one time 
half a dozen men and horses tumbling about in 
the stream. The cavalry remain at a height on 
this side of the Kei, waiting for the infantry and 
guns to cross. The reason we are in camp here 
is that there is so much organization of commis¬ 
sariat (and troops) required that Colonel Somerset 
has been obliged to come to this camp (head¬ 
quarters) for the purpose of organizing the details 
of the army. The river has risen three feet since 
last night, so there is a prospect of the infantry 
remaining on the other side for some days longer. 
They will not starve actually , having all the cattle 
with them ; but they have neither biscuit, coffee, 
nor rice, and must live entirely upon meat. I 
fear that they have also no salt. 

“ It seems probable that nothing more will 
be done for some time, except clearing the 
Kaffirs away from this side of the river, to 
which some of them have managed to cross. 
I am not sorry the expedition is over, for 
we have had very hard work, not very good 


ROBBERY AT GOVERNMENT HOUSE. 175 

food, and constant rainy weather. I see by 
the papers that the poor Duke of Athol is dead, 
and Glenlyon succeeding to the title. After the 
melancholy state in which the late Duke had 
been, one must consider it a release, and I hope 
the new Duke will bear his honours well. Lily 
writes me word that she saw in one of the 
papers that Government House had been broken 
into and many things stolen. I hope they were 
not valuable. I have not received any letters from 
England since the one I got at Gibraltar. . . . 

“ I sincerely wish you a happy new year, and 
many returns of it, though it has begun to me in 
rather a wet and uncomfortable manner. The 
post is starting, so I must conclude, with best 
love to all. 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Major- Gen. the Hon. Henry Murray .” 


[Received 1st May, 1847.] 

“ Camp on the Tamagha, 

“ My DEAR FATHER, “Feb. 20, 1847. 

“ I was delighted to hear from you in the 
two letters whose dates I am not able to refer to, 
not having them by me at present (the one giving 
an account of the visit of the Duke and Lord 



176 


CAMPS BROKEN UP. 


Anglesey ; and the other mentioning, among 
other things, the appointment of Captain Max¬ 
well as your Brigade Major). I am very glad to 
hear that it is Maxwell, whom I knew so well at 
Malta, who has got this appointment. I well 
remember both Mrs. Maxwell and him, and hope 
yon will remember me to them when you have an 
opportunity. Affairs here are at present at a 
standstill, until Sir George Berkeley and Sir H. 
Pottinger arrive from Cape Town. As they 
sailed on the 11th, they must, I should think, 
have by this time, at all events, reached Algoa 
Bay. Colonel Somerset has broken up the large 
camps, and the forces are now occupying a chain 
of smaller posts, commencing at King William’s 
Town and continuing to the Keiskamma, and thus, 
by Port Peddie, continuing the communication 
with those on the Fish Biver. As Charles 
Somerset has now joined his father, my office of 
acting aide-de-camp is at an end; and I have 
rejoined my company, which, with another, occu¬ 
pies this camp, together with some of the 73rd, 
some Provisionals and Burghers (the whole com¬ 
manded by Major Pinckney, of the 73rd) ; forming 
an intermediate post between King William’s 
Town and the Keiskamma. 

“ Colonel Somerset very kindly gave me leave, 
just previous to the breaking up of the camp, to go 


VISIT TO GRAHAM’S TOWN. 


177 


in to Graham’s Town, where I found poor Lily 
suffering very much from her cough, which has 
lately become so violent as to prevent her sleep¬ 
ing at night, and seems to baffle all medical 
advice. Colonel Buller arrived at Graham’s Town 

while I was there, and-applied to Colonel 

Somerset, officially, for me to join forthwith. 
Colonel Somerset said it was a hard case, and 
advised me to apply to Colonel Buller for leave; 
and, as he was calling at our house at the time, 
sat with Lily while I went up to try what I could 
effect. On my mentioning the fact of my having 
served through the whole business, and being 
present on nearly every occasion in which any¬ 
thing had been done, Colonel Buller told me that, 
‘ as I had been on the staff , that went for nothing.’ 
On my pressing the point, however, he granted 
me two or three days’ more leave. Finding that 
the climate of Graham’s Town was seriously injur¬ 
ing Lily’s health, and that she very much wished 
to come to the frontier with me, I made arrange¬ 
ments (assisted, most kindly, by Colonel Somerset 
with his advice) for her to ride up to Fort Peddie 
with me, and there remain until Sir G. Berkeley’s 
arrival, when the permanent posts will he esta¬ 
blished, and the future plan of operations deter¬ 
mined. In coming from the camp into Graham’s 
Town, I had ridden from Fort Peddie by Waterloo 

i 3 



178 


RIDE TO FORT PEDDIE. 


Bay to Graham’s Town in one day (75 miles), 
having previously ridden from beyond King 
William’s Town to Peddie a day before, and 
having been detained at Peddie one day by the 
want of an escort. This time we were (of course) 
obliged to go more quietly, and took five days, 
including one day’s halt, from Graham’s Town 
to Port Peddie. On our way we bad to pass 
several rather dangerous passes, where the Kaffirs 
sometimes lie in wait for passengers; one, par¬ 
ticularly, possessing a bad reputation, called Blue 
Krantz, where the post had been stopped two 
days before we set out on our journey. Poor, 
dear Lily went through the whole journey with 
excellent spirits; although the last day, from 
Waterloo Bay to Fort Peddie, fatigued her a 
good deal (25 miles). We did not start quite 
early enough in the morning, and the sun was 
very hot during the first part of our journey. At 
Newtondale (a post on the road, half way) we 
stopped during the greatest heat of the day, and 
had luncheon in a most excellent Kaffir hut be¬ 
longing to Captain Biddulph, of the Provisionals, 
which was exceedingly cool, clean, and comfort¬ 
able. The floors and sides of these huts are 
smeared with a sort of prepared clay, which 
becomes as smooth as a polished hoard; but soft, 
and not drying into dust, if properly done over 
(this it requires once a week). 


FOET PEDDIE. 


179 


“On our arrival at Fort Peclclie we found 
Colonel Somerset’s quarters ready for us, and 

his orderly, Corporal-, ready to act as our 

servant. As the waggon which brought our 
things had not arrived, and my leave was up 
the next day, I was obliged to come on here 
and leave poor Lily in a very unsettled state. 
As there are no quarters at Fort Peddie to 
spare—and in case Colonel Somerset came in we 
do not wish to keep him out of his quarters 
—I have arranged about the building of two 
Kaffir huts, opening one into another, which, with 
a marquee which Colonel Somerset has kindly 
obtained for us, will make a very tolerable sejour 
for a time, until matters are arranged and it is 
known for certain whether the war is to be con¬ 
tinued, or what is to be considered the end of it. 
The advices that come to England are incorrect 
if they say things are going on well. The 
Kaffirs are now at the very threshold of the 
colony, well armed, and in no degree dismayed 
by the result of the last expedition across the 
Kei. A Kaffir woman told the Somersets the 
other day, at their house near Graham’s Town, 
that Pato had declared that he wanted a new 
tobacco-bag, but that he would not get one until 
he had got Colonel Somerset’s skin to make it of. 
They have lost very few men; and I think, on 




180 


FRIENDLY KAFFIRS. 


the whole, our loss has been, if not more nu¬ 
merous, at least more severe. 

“ Our little camp here is on the left of the 
road to King William’s Town, opposite to a 
high hill clothed with thick bush. It stands 
itself on the slope of a hill, just above the 
small river called the Tamagha, and a small 
patch of thorn-bush runs up to within pistol- 
shot of the corner near my tent, the further 
side from the road. Kaffirs, calling themselves 
friendly, are constantly with our people, and sur¬ 
rounding the camp. They bring milk, wood, and 
water to us, and also a curious kind of berries 
which form a blue dye with everything they* 

but are sweet and good to eat, not 
unlike a black currant in flavour. Still, I am 
obliged to caution the men about not going far 
without arms, as Pato’s Kaffirs may very easily 
mix with those about us, unknown to us, and the 
first notice will be somebody being murdered. 

“ I had to cross Line Drift, over the Keis- 
kamma Kiver, the day (or rather night) before 
yesterday ; my escort being six C. M. Rifles. 
There are more than four miles of bush down to 
the drift on one side, and about a mile and a 
half, or two miles, on the other; and just before 
coming down to the drift it was so dark, from 
the bush growing over our heads and the lateness 


* Here tlie MS. is torn. 


COLONEL SOMERSET. 


181 


of the hour, that I could not see the man in front 
of me, though his horse was actually touching 
mine. It is strange that the Kaffirs do not 
oftener cut us off than they do. Luckily, they 
have a great dread of the Cape Corps, and have 
had one or two good hard heatings from them 
when they have tried night attacks. A detach¬ 
ment, under a Captain of the 73rd, consisting 
of some of every corps in camp, is gone this 
morning to Line Drift for the purpose of clearing 
away the bush immediately adjoining the drift 
itself. They have sent my subaltern with the 
detachment of the Kifle Brigade, which leaves me 
here in solitude ; for, of the other company, one 
is ill, and the other lives pretty much by himself. 

“ Nobody seems to have an idea of what will be 
done : as Colonel Somerset told me that he could 
not even guess at the plan intended to he fol¬ 
lowed out, I hardly think any one else will. I 
think that the authorities at home have treated 
Colonel Somerset very hardly. He has now been 
thirty years out here, serving very often in the 
field, and always with distinction. No man can 
spare himself less, or work more conscientiously 
than he does. He thoroughly understands the 
Kaffirs, their character, mode of warfare, and 
country; and no man can be better qualified for 
carrying on a war against them. Still he is 
always passed over, and his friends in England 


182 


COLONEL SOMERSET* 


seem not disposed to support him. He is too 
straightforward, too plainspoken, and too blunt 
to make many friends; and the last two Governors 
have decidedly set their faces against him. I am 
sure you will agree with me in lamenting that he 
should have again met with disappointment, for 
the report was quite general here that he was 
to he given the rank of Major-General on the 
frontier, and command the troops. As far as I 
am concerned, I can hardly speak in sufficient 
terms of his kindness to me from the moment of 
my arrival up to this time. Mrs. Somerset has 
been very kind to Lily during her lonely resi¬ 
dence at Graham’s Town; and had I not come in 
on leave, she was to have stayed at Oatlands with 
them for a fortnight or so. Colonel Somerset had 
given me leave before he gave himself leave to go 
in; and when he was there we used to see him 
nearly every day, for, as the Brigade Office was 
next door to our house, he used often to come in 
and sit with us, and seem quite at home in the 
arm-chair there. He is (like ever}?- one else, I 
suppose) heartily tired of the war, which seems, 
in fact, only beginning. It is a most thankless 
office to light an enemy so wary, so savage, and 
so well protected by natural obstacles, as the 
Kaffirs. I have often talked over the subject 
with Colonel S., and he seems to think that even 


DIFFICULTIES OF THE WAR. 


183 


15,000 or 20,000 Britisli troops would not bring 
the war to a termination ; and if strong measures 
are not adopted, who will he safe in the colony ? 
Nearly 300 Kaffirs tried to pass the Fish Biver 
not more than a week ago; and the cattle were 
carried off from Newtondale the day before Lily 
and I rode through. Crossing the Kei will 
hardly (I should think) be again attempted this 
year; hut if it is, I do not see that we shall be a 
bit nearer the end of our work. A similar diffi¬ 
culty will most likely occur to what did last time, 
and the troops will be starving for want of 
supplies, if the river rises suddenly, as it did 
when I last wrote to you. The winter will be 
soon coming on, and that will make matters still 
more difficult, and the hardships greater. And 
yet there are numbers of people in England who 
consider a Kaffir war nothing. —— created 
considerable mirth in the Brigade Office by 
saying that the bush should be burnt. Un¬ 
fortunately for his plan, it will not burn, being 
so full of sap that a fire is put out by the nature 
of the plants themselves. Besides, even if a little 
were burnt, the tracts of bush are so extensive 
that it would be like a drop in the ocean. 

“ British troops, most especially the infantry, 
seem to be of little use in the country, except 
as a ‘ nucleus ’ for the rest of the natives and 



184 


INFANTRY FOR TIIE BUSH. 


Burghers to fall back upon if repulsed. There is 
no disguising the fact that we make poor hands 
at bush-fighting. The Hottentot levies are all 
disbanded by Sir P. Maitland, and we cannot get 
them again to serve. They are the only infantry 
who work really well in the bush, and, being accus¬ 
tomed to the country, they will outmarch our in¬ 
fantry by miles and miles. But they, too, like every 
one else, have had a sickener, and will not serve for 
some time. I hear they are sending more troops 
from England; but it would be far preferable if 
they would raise some corps of Hottentot infantry 
(Fencibles if they like), and keep them perma¬ 
nently here for the defence of the colony. As far 
as I am concerned, I shall not regret anything 
that takes me out of the business soon. One gets 
no credit at home for anything done, and one 
may be said to be in hourly danger, for there is 
not a bush on the side of the road whence one’s 
‘ quietus 5 may not come at any time. My only 
surprise is, the providential escapes we have all 
had, for, if the Kaffirs only knew their strength 
a little more, they might do incalculable harm. 
I am, and have often been, uneasy about poor 
Colonel Somerset, notwithstanding his great ex¬ 
perience and knowledge of the country, for he 
often rides almost unattended, and the country 
is most villanously well calculated for ambuscade. 


COLONEL SOMERSET. 


185 


Still, I believe they dread him so much that the 
very sight of him would put them to flight. 
They know his white moustaches in a minute, 
and have often been overheard saying to one 
another when standing near him, ‘ How that old 
rascal has made us run in the bush ! 5 This must 
amuse you after having known him as a young 
officer. By the way, he told me to remember 
him most kindly to you. He pays you the bad 
compliment of thinking me very like you, and 
says our voices are so much alike that he often 
gets me to say something and shuts his eyes to 
try and fancy he is talking to you. He says it 
brings back old times to him. This he told Lily 

the other day.-and he do not as yet agree 

very well, for Colonel Somerset was much annoyed 
and displeased at the grumbling and general con¬ 
duct of our men across the Kei, and (I believe), 

on-’s arrival, gave him his opinion pretty 

roundly. The other has taken it amiss, and 
almost told the men that he does not consider 
they have been fairly dealt with. He is furious 

against --; and I must say that, had the men 

been properly held together, there would have 
been less blame attached to the battalion. 

" This post is very tiresome, for we have 
not even the excitement of a patrol, and with 
no books, heavy rain, and no amusements, 





186 


CAMPAIGNING EXPENSES. 


time hangs rather heavily. Drawing is one’s 
only resource, and writing letters. I hear some 
fresh captains have been ordered out from the 
depot, and on their arrival shall put in my claim 
for leave to return to England, which I am now 
second in turn for doing. People are all trying 
to get out of this business, which makes it diffi¬ 
cult for any one to do so. However, by that time 
Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir Gr. Berkeley will 
have tried their measures, and many things may 
happen. We may perhaps be across the Kei 
again, though I confess I have no anxiety to do 
so. The expenses of this warfare are tremendous; 
and provisions, forage, &c., are all raised in price 
accordingly. Colonel Somerset has strongly 
recommended me to get a packliorse and saddle, 
and also to get a field tent, which I have accord¬ 
ingly done; for now I am no longer with him, he 
cannot manage to help me with horses, &c., as he 
formerly did. All these I consider necessary ex¬ 
penses, but they are great ones. I have had also 
to get a good double-barrelled gun ; for now that 
I am likely to work in the bush I must equip my¬ 
self for it, and a sword is of no use in this sort of 
warfare, while pistols only do well on horseback. 
I have even known Colonel Somerset take his gun 
in his hand when there was a chance of fighting. 
Another expense is the breakage of arms in the 


ARMY PROMOTIONS. 


187 


company, and I shall have soon to pay an account 
for 50 broken stocks during the last patrol. 

“Feb. 23 rd, 1847.—I am glad to see that 
the brevet has not reached you this time, which 
would, perhaps, under the circumstances, have been 
what is called gaining a loss. The promotion of 
three field-marshals must be looked upon as a 
favourable event by all the general officers ; as, 
after Marshal Grosvenor’s promotion, I should 
think every General may look forward to at¬ 
taining that high rank, if he on]y lives long 
enough. I believe Marshal Grosvenor, though a 
very meritorious officer, has never commanded 
any army, although he may a brigade upon ser¬ 
vice. Sir George Nugent commanded, I think, 
in the West Indies ; and Colonel Hamilton Smith 
served on his staff* there. It is remarkable that 
his brother rose to the rank of Admiral of the 
Meet, and it is a rare instance of good fortune 
in one family that one should reach the highest 
rank in the navy and the other in the army. 
Lord Anglesey you must be glad to see created 
a field-marshal. It is something, in these hard 
times, to see a cavalry officer in the highest rank 
in the service. I do not know how you will 
consider it, but it seems to me that the names of 
poor Lords Cathcart and Lynedoch are (like the 
busts of Brutus and Cassius at Junia’s funeral) 



188 


NEGLECT TO PURCHASE RANK. 


the more remembered for not standing in their 
proper places—both so eminently distinguished 
by rank and services, both having commanded 
armies, and both having been suffered to die 
without receiving their proper rank. I shall 
never look at the field-marshals’ list without 
thinking of them. My arrival, yesterday, at 27 
(to fall to minor considerations) reminds me 
that I ought to be more looking out for promotion 
than I am. If you remember the immense time 
that you were a field officer previous to getting 
any higher rank, you will, I am sure, agree with 
me that it is of importance to attain that rank 
while one is young. After that the brevets will 
always carry one on; but previous to it one may 
be said to have obtained nothing. I have had 
such annoyance in various ways, from having 
missed the opportunity of purchasing when I did, 
and having now Horsford and Booper my seniors, 
who purchased over my head at that time, that I 
am anxious never to lose time again if possible. 
Do you think it would be possible to obtain an 
unattached majority P It will be a very long 
time before I could get a regimental one. Per¬ 
haps the being on active service, and having been 
twice mentioned in Colonel Somerset’s reports 
(i. e. once thanked in orders and once in the 
report), might be a favourable opportunity for 
attempting to get it. Colonel Somerset has 


THE FIFTH FUSILIERS. 


189 


spoken, I hear, most kindly about me to Sir Pere¬ 
grine Maitland, and the latter mentioned to Mrs. 
Somerset, on his way through Graham’s Town, 
that I was one of those officers who had been 
most favourably reported to him, so perhaps on 
Sir Peregrine’s arrival in England he may mention 
me at the Plorse Guards. 

“ I am glad to hear you like the 5th, ‘the 
Gosling Pusiliers’ as they are commonly called 
in the service, from the colour of their facings. 
I had heard of the celebrated ‘ Wilhelmstahl’ snuff¬ 
box, presented by Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, 
and am glad to find that they still possess it. 

“ Not having any more news to add, I fear 
I must now conclude. I am much surprised 
to see the name of Frederick Cathcart* omitted 
in the list of Colonels promoted to be general 
officers. The list I saw was in the newspaper. 
Can he have sold out ? I should hardly think he 
was a likely person to do so, especially being so 
near his rank. I hope it has been only a news¬ 
paper omission. I was very much shocked by 
seeing poor Augusta Cathcart’s death accidentally 
in the newspaper. I knew that she was in deli¬ 
cate health, but had no idea that her illness was 
likely to end so suddenly and so fatally. She 
was poor Lord Cathcart’s favourite daughter, and 
has been the first to follow him. Her death 

* Colonel the Hon. F. Macadam Cathcart. 


190 


DEATH OF SIR W. SCOTT. 


must have been a great blow to all tlie family. 
She was one of tlie kindest and most agreeable 
people I ever knew, and I sincerely regret the 
loss of so kind a friend and relation. I have 
written to Cathcart by this post. You will be 
very sorry to hear that Lily heard from Mrs. 
Somerset the other da}^ mentioning the death of 
poor Sir Walter Scott, who expired at Cape Town 
on his way home from India. Lady Scott was 
inconsolable, and could not be prevailed upon to 
land. It seems (poor fellow!) he had been in a 
very precarious state for some time, but poor 
Lady Scott still was sanguine, and probably 
trusted to his strength of constitution to carry 
him through it, and also to the benefit of the sea 
voyage. He was always a very great friend of 
mine, and I am very sorry to hear of his death. 
The Horse Guards have dealt rather hardly with 
him, and had they been less exacting in their 
terms he might now have been alive. But they 
insisted on his remaining longer in India than he 
originally intended. 

“ I have had three days’ leave to go in to 
Fort Peddie, and bring Lily with me back to 
the post, which is as safe, though perhaps 
not so comfortable, as Fort Peddie. Until the 
arrival of Sir G. Berkeley nothing can be known 
of further operations, but I do not think we shall 
again cross the Kei. I hope sincerely that you 


DISLIKE TO THE WAK. 


191 


will manage to effect some arrangement which 
will take us away from this country. I found 
Lily suffering dreadfully from cough, hut I think 
change of air will do her no harm. On the 
contrary, I think the Tamagha, being higher 
ground, will possibly have purer air. Still the 
general climate is very trying, and we have all 
the seasons in one day. I have employed the 
Fingoes to build me a hut, which I hope to find 
nearly finished on my return. The party em¬ 
ployed at Line Drift has cleared it well, and the 
thick overhanging bush is now cut away. I 
consider the post tolerably safe, but I shall not 
be sony if we are allowed soon to come in to 
Fort Peddie. Every one is heartily sick of the 
Kaffir war, and if I do not lose promotion by it 
I should be very glad to return to England. I 
found Lily in her marquee at Fort Peddie. It 
is a very nice one, and perfectly new. Still I do 
not like her living under canvas just at the 
breaking up of the season, and trust that some¬ 
thing may soon happen to withdraw us from this 
country, which is indeed a wilderness. I should 
think that the purchase of the unattached 
majority was the only certain way. There is 
nothing extraordinary in making the application 
for one, as Napier applied almost immediately 
upon getting his company. 


192 


FORT PEDDIE. 


“ I will now conclude this long letter; and 
with love to my mother and Gertrude, 

“ Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Lily begs that you will let her sister know 
that she is pretty well, as it is of no use alarming 
them by saying how she really suffers. She is 
very anxious to return to Europe, and sends you 
her best love.” 


[Received 26tli June, 1847.] 

“ My DEAR Eat HER, “ Fort Peddie, April 8 th, 1847. 

“ I was delighted yesterday to receive 
your letter with the postscript, dated 8th Eebru- 
ary; you will by this time have received several 
letters both from Lily and myself, giving various 
accounts of what has taken place subsequent to 
the date of your letter. The troops occupied a 
chain of permanent posts for some little while, 
during which time we occupied a Kaffir hut, 
built by some of my old friends among the Fin- 
goes who had known me when on Colonel Somer¬ 
set’s Staff, across the Kei. My company was, 
with Booper’s, detached to the Tamaclia, a small 



MARCH TO FORT PEDDIE. 


193 


river which falls into the Keiskamma above Line 
Drift. Dear Lily, who has been the greatest pos¬ 
sible comfort, and whose energy of character has 
been the admiration of every one, rode np with 
me from Graham’s Town to this place, and thence 
-—after my going to see what kind of post it was 
and returning to fetch her—to the Tamacha (where 
as I before said we lived in the hut and a mar¬ 
quee which Colonel Somerset’s kindness had 
obtained for Lily), and we passed our month very 
pleasantly. 

“ On Sir George Berkeley’s arrival a plan was 
put into execution which had previously (strange 
to say) occurred to me as a means of clearing 
the country between Buffalo Biver and the Keis¬ 
kamma. In pursuance of this, our two com¬ 
panies were recalled from the Tamacha to Fort 
Peddie. Lily accompanied us on horseback on 
the march, through one of the severest showers 
of pelting rain I ever marched in. We crossed 
Line Drift both going and coming back with 
great success, one of my men leading Lily’s horse 
by the bridle. After reaching the Guanga, the 
scene of Colonel Somerset’s brilliant affair last 
June, I got leave from Booper, and galloped for¬ 
ward with Lily into Fort Peddie, with only my 
groom as an escort, who mounted my packhorse, 
and with his rifle escorted us in. On arriving 


K 


194 


FING0E WAR-DANCE. 


here, Colonel Somerset kindly insisted on Lily 
resting in his marquee until her own could be 
pitched; and as she was dreadfully tired and 
troubled with a bad headache, I was in hopes 
that while we were outside she would sleep ; but, 
as ill-luck would have it, the Lingoes were to 
perform their war-dance before Sir Henry Pot- 
tinger, who had arrived here, and was to be pre¬ 
sent on the occasion. It was an interesting 
sight. They first formed up in a single rank on 
the high ground above Fort Peddie, and then 
led off in a single file from the right (in a sort 
of ‘mark time’ kind of step) along their front, 
until they reached Colonel S.’s marquee, churn¬ 
ing all the time to themselves a sort of tune 
which seemed more like the expression of anger 
among a large crowd than any musical note. 
Suddenly the leading file, who was probably a 
‘ brave 5 of some sort, gave a loud whistle, and 
the whole, breaking their ranks, rushed into the 
camp in all directions, yelling, brandishing their 
assegais, and performing a sham advance and 
retreat alternately, as if attacking the place. 
After this they formed into a large circle (facing 
inwards) and performed the war-dance to a 
monotonous kind of tune, sung by all in concert. 
At intervals there was a tremendous yell, which 
effectually broke poor Lily’s slumbers, and then 


A FIELD-DAY. 


195 


they relapsed into the same sort of churning 
monotonous air as before. In the evening I dined 
with Colonel Somerset, Charles S., Armstrong 
(who is now acting as Colonel S.’s aide-de-camp), 
and Burnaby of the Artillery. Next morning the 
Cape Corps were out at a field-day, and I walked 
up with Lily (who was better) to see it. Colonel S. 
trotted the regiment past for Lily’s especial bene¬ 
fit (for he was on the point of sending them home), 
and, considering that some horses had not yet 
been in the ranks before, they did remarkably 
well. There was a little flying off from the out¬ 
ward flanks of troops while wheeling, but that 
was to be expected. The next day there was a 
grand inspection of the troops who were to go 
with Sir George Berkeley on the patrol to 
Buffalo Biver, as well as all the troops at Fort 
Peddie (two squadrons Cape Mounted Rifles; 
two companies 6th Regiment; three companies 
Rifle Brigade ; four squadrons Mounted Burghers ; 
and two guns Royal Artillery). Sir George 
Berkeley inspected them, the troops being drawn 
up in contiguous open columns—the cavalry by 
troops, and the infantry by companies; the guns 
on right flank of infantry. Sir Henry Pottinger 
and his Staff were present, and accompanied Sir 
George Berkeley down the line. The troops then 
marched past, and the Rifle Brigade got the greatest 

k 2 


196 


INSPECTION OF TROOPS. 


possible credit for the beautiful manner in which 
they marched past; Colonel Michel of the 6th, who 
commanded the parade, exclaiming to Horsford, 
who commanded us, ‘ I never saw anything more 
beautiful than the way your people marched!' 

.Sir George Berkeley, 

whom I called upon in the afternoon of next day, 
was most kind. He said he was very glad to 
make my acquaintance, and that you were one of 
his oldest friends. I afterwards heard that he 
had mentioned me in terms of commendation. 
He gave me a sort of sketch of what he meant to 
do, which has since been carried out. Colonel 
Somerset, during the time the troops remained 
here, came almost every evening to sit with us in 
our marquee, and played his guitar, which he does 
most famously, for Lily’s amusement. My com¬ 
pany was left here, as Sir G. Berkeley wanted 
to take a company of the 6th in order to give 
Burnley the command of the expedition, and 
Horsford insisted on taking his own, which as 
commanding officer he was, of course, able to 
carry out. 

“ The whole force (accompanied by the Fingoes) 
marched two days after the inspection. I rode 
out about four miles with them ‘ en route / my 
company remaining with two companies of the 
6th under Colonel Michel at Fort Peddie. 



THE HORSE “MACOMO.” 


197 


<c When I took leave of Sir Gr. Berkeley, he said, 
c Murray, we shall either have great success, or 
do nothing at all/ I wished him success and rode 
back to Fort Peddie. I rode Lily’s horse, which 
was much admired all along the column. He is 
really very handsome, but requires keeping up to his 
bit in order to get into form properly. Lily rides 
him better than anybody else, and I am ashamed 
to say that he gave me a e spill ’ one day, owing 
to my foolishly leaning forward (while passaging 
him very much against his inclination), in order 
to see that he crossed his fore-legs properly. He 
gave a sudden and violent plunge, and I accepted 
the Chiltern Hundreds; though it was no fall, as 
I held him while on the ground, in spite of his 
efforts to break away. He gave Lily two little 
tumbles in going over a fence, for he has an awk¬ 
ward twist in his action in making these bounds 
which unsettles one very much if one is not pre¬ 
pared for it. I rode him once over a fence, and 
should hardly have stuck on but by taking my 
feet out of the stirrups and leaning well back. 
Lily never will allow him to be exercised, as she 
prides herself on being able to ride him when he 
is quite fresh. It is true that he is fond of her, 
and will be more obedient to her than any one 
else. She is very much improved, and the riding- 
master of the Cape Corps, who broke her horse, 


198 


PATEOL TO BUFFALO EIVEE. 


told some one that she reminded him of Miss 
Quentin in her seat and hand on horseback. 

“ My company has remained here ever since the 
patrol went out, which consisted of two companies 
Rifle Brigade, one squadron Cape Mounted Rifles, 
two guns Royal Artillery, and the Burghers and 
Fingoes. This force is now occupying a ridge this 
side of Buffalo River and running parallel to it. 
The company of the 6th having only been taken 
to give an excuse for Major Rumley taking com¬ 
mand of the troops (under Sir Gr. Berkeley and 
Colonel Somerset), and he having been appointed 
to the command of the district of Bathurst in the 
Colony, orders have now been sent for my com¬ 
pany to join the camp, and replace the 6th com¬ 
pany of the 6th, which comes in to Fort Peddie. 
Colonel Somerset wrote to me to say that he was 
glad of the change, and that, if Lily came with 
me, as she had originally said she would, he 
would make every arrangement to provide for her 
safety and comfort. Since this letter, however, 
a Major of the 73rd has been wounded close to 
the camp, and two Burghers have been cut to 
pieces by the Kaffirs. 

“Sir Henry Pottinger, who has been staying 
here (making Fort Peddie his head-quarters), has 
been very kind to us. We dine with him several 
days in the week, and (since I have been under 


KINDNESS OF SIR H. POTTINGER. 


199 


orders to go to the camp) we have had a running 
invitation to come every day. He tried for a 
long time to persuade Lily that she ought not to 
go on to the camp, and this morning wrote me 
a very long note, giving all the reasons against 
it, and urging the danger to which she would he 
exposed; finally hinting that it would be con¬ 
sidered so foolish a proceeding that Sir Gr. Berke¬ 
ley would probably order her to return. Under 
these circumstances she has given up the idea of 
going, from which I had at first endeavoured to 
dissuade her, but in vain. He has given us the 
use of his marquee, besides the one Colonel 
Somerset obtained for us, so that with these and 
my bell-tent our camp has a very comfortable 
appearance. I move up to the camp with the 
next waggons that proceed thither; the order 
having come for my company to move up by 
escorts, and for the company of the 6th to return 
in a similar way. I have waited until the last 
escort, which will probably be in a day or two. 
As you have asked for an account of my opera¬ 
tions in the field, on a separate sheet I have 
written down the general plan. 

“The operations were to be as follows. Sir Gr. 
Berkeley with the patrol, consisting of two com¬ 
panies Bifle Brigade, one company 6th regiment, 
two guns, one squadron Cape Mounted Rifles, 


200 


OPERATIONS AGAINST THE KAFFIRS. 


three or four squadrons Burghers, and the Fingoes, 
were to move from Fort Peddie by Lower Wesley - 
ville Drift upon Wesleyville, where the Kaffirs 
were supposed to be assembled with their cattle, 
&c., in some force. Thence, after clearing the 
country between the Keiskamma and Chalumna 
rivers, the patrol was to move to Buffalo Mouth 
and establish a post there. 

“ Napier in the mean time was to march from 
King William’s Town with the Kat Biver Hotten¬ 
tots and some of the Cape Corps, and proceed by 
a road running parallel to the Buffalo Biver and 
reaching the mouth; thus acting upon the right 
flank and rear of the enemy, should they resist 
the force moving upon them in front. 

“ This plan has been carried out with success 
thus far. 

“The patrol left Fort Peddie on the 25th of 
March, and Napier marched from King William’s 
Town the day before, which had been originally 
the day fixed; but the torrents of rain which fell 
delayed Sir Gr. Berkeley until the 25th. On the 
28th Colonel Somerset wrote to me from Wesley - 
ville, saying that he had made a good clearing of 
the country between the Keiskamma and Cha¬ 
lumna rivers, but found few Kaffirs occupying the 
country: he took, however, 200 head of cattle. 
Armstrong, his aide-de-camp, rode down a Kaffir 


ON CONVOY SERVICE. 


201 


messenger and took his horse, but the fellow was 
a lad and had no information to give. I since 
saw in the despatch that Colonel S. had, in order 
to effect this, worked in three columns, one along 
the coast, and the other two higher up. After 
these operations a camp was formed about seven 
miles this side of Buffalo Mouth, to which on the 
29th I proceeded with 16 waggons laden with 
biscuit, and an escort of 37 men, part Bifles and 
part 6th Begiment. 

“ As the waggons did not start until very late in 
the afternoon of that day, we only reached a spot 
just above the Upper Wesleyville Drift, where we 
had to halt for the night, this side of the Keis- 
kamma. The waggons drew up in a circle, and we 
bivouacked inside. The next day we crossed the 
drift, and proceeded, by the same route which we 
marched in December last when about to join 
Colonel S., to the old camp on the Chalumna 
Diver, where we halted for the night, forming 
our camp, or rather park, on the same spot as the 
old camp. No casualty of any kind happened 
en route, though the road passes through very 
awkward bush, except the breaking down of a 
waggon while working up the hill the other side 
of the drift. We shifted the load, however, into 
the other waggons, and proceeded to the Cha¬ 
lumna. As the waggon conductor wished to 

K 3 


202 


ROUTE THROUGH THE BUSH. 


start early, I marched at five a.m. from Chalumna, 
by moonlight, and reached a spot beyond Colonel 
S.’s first camp from Chalumna in last December; 
and soon after fell into the King William’s Town 
road, on which Napier’s spoor was visible,—many 
horses’ feet, and also steps of marching infantry, 
being visible in the mud. A little beyond this I 
perceived a large body of horsemen moving along 
the top of a flat open ridge upon which we were 
moving, and coming to meet us. As the Kaffirs 
have many mounted men, I rode forward with a 
man of the Cape Corps, who acted as a sort of 
orderly en route , and found that they were the 
Mounted Burghers, more than sixty in num¬ 
ber, and sent by Colonel Somerset to meet the 
convoy, and take orders from the officer com¬ 
manding. They consisted of Uitenhage and 
Albany men, and told me that the rear of the 
column had been attacked by Kaffirs the day 
before, hut that the Bifles had beaten them off. 
A little further on I found eighty more of the 
Mounted Burgher force, that had been sent to 
reinforce the others. We were now proceeding 
through the country in which the Kaffirs were 
in force, and I thought it prudent to ‘ clear for 
action.’ As the whole force of mounted men 
consisted of three mounted companies, all well 
armed, under three field commandants, I arranged 


PLAN OF MARCH. 


203 


them as follows:—The Albany company formed 
the advanced guard, sending forward a few in 
advance as eclaireurs. Then came the fifteen 
waggons, occupying a considerable extent of 
ground, in single file, each waggon having eight 
in hand : two men of the escort sat in each 
waggon, with their arms, and in some three or 
four. The Uitenhagers formed the rear-guard, 
and the other company, mostly Kat River men, 
was divided in half, on each flank of the column, 
sending out flankers to skirt the bush on each 
side. 

“ I hope you approve of my disposition. When¬ 
ever the column came to a defile the advanced 
guard passed it, and then halted and occupied 
the opposite side, watching the hush until all the 
waggons were through, when the rear-guard 
followed, and the whole resumed their march. I 
am sorry to say the Kaffirs left us quite unmo¬ 
lested, though some were seen and fired at by 
some of the flankers. You will see that, had they 
attacked either flank singly, I could at once have 
brought more than two-thirds of my force to bear ; 
and had the front and rear been attacked, a 
simple movement would have brought the flankers 
to support the point menaced, while the rear¬ 
guard would still protect the waggons. 

“ As usually happens, however, when one is well 


204 


ARRIVAL IN CAMP. 


prepared, no attempt was made. We arrived at 
the camp late in the evening, passing through 
the pass where the Kaffirs had attacked the 
waggons the day before. The first person I met 
on my arrival was Colonel Somerset, who made 
me come and dress in his tent, and I dined with 
him and Armstrong that evening. Sir G. Berke¬ 
ley rode in just after my arrival; and, as I had 
despatches from Sir H. Pottinger to him, I went 
to meet him at once. He was most kind, and in 
great glee at having had a brush with the Kaffirs, 
one of whom, he told me, took a regular ‘pot 
shot 5 at Seymour, who had with Sir G. Berkeley 
ridden up to the edge of the bush to look down 
into the valley of the river. The only person 
who did not seem to see the joke w T as Seymour 
himself. 

“ I slept in camp that night, and next morning 
returned at twelve o’clock with my waggons, 
accompanied by Major Burnley, of the 6th, who 
had got an appointment to command at Bathurst. 
In the morning the Kaffirs made an attack upon 
the cattle grazing near the camp, and I was fool 
enough to take a long run with my double- 
barrelled gun to get a shot, in which hope I was 
deceived, as the Kaffirs ran off before I arrived, 
and I had only to walk back again. The Fin- 
goes, Burghers, and Cape Corps went out and 


DESERTIONS OF BURGHERS. 


205 


scoured the country near where the waggons 
were to move back. I saw Need, who had been 
commanding the rear-guard when the Kaffirs 
attacked the waggons the day before. He told 
me the Kaffirs were in great force, and showed 
themselves very boldly. On the way back we 
had no casualty of any sort. The Burghers have 
deserted since my return to a very great amount. 
This impedes operations, as Sir Gr. Berkeley 
cannot move forward with the small force he 
has. There are no means of stopping these men: 
the Governor’s proclamation only called them 
out for a month, and they are actually leaving 
before that period is out. Since my return an 
attack was made by the Kaffirs on Field Com¬ 
mandant Muller’s party of Burghers, who were 
escorting waggons through a thick bush from 
one post to another. Seven Burghers were sent 
from another camp to see what was the matter. 
They were suddenly attacked by nearly two 
hundred Kaffirs, who, taking advantage of two 
having dismounted, fell on them and cut these 
two literally to pieces. The other five escaped. 
Major Smith, of the 73rd, was shot in the 
shoulder close to one of the camps. The troops 
now occupy a chain of camps every five miles 
along the Goolah ridge. I hear for my satisfac¬ 
tion that the waggons I took are the only convoy 


206 


HARBOUR PROJECTED. 


that has arrived without being fired upon; with 
one exception, on which occasion Horsford’s Bifles 
lined the pass by which they were to come. I 
hope our present march may be prosperous, and, 
as we have eighty men and only six waggons, I 
do not expect a breeze. The mouth of Buffalo 
Biver is to be made into a harbour if possible, 
and there will be a depot formed there. This 
will facilitate a forward movement, but as yet the 
ship with the supplies has not been able to run 
in. A steamer would, however, get in easily, but 
there is none to send. 

“ I hope when I next write I shall have more 
prosperous news to relate, but at present matters 
are going on so slowly that the war will take a 
very long time before it is even in any progress 
towards conclusion. 

“ Ever yours affectionately, 

“A. S. M” 


[Received 1st Dec. 1847.] 

“ Goolali Ridge Camp, August 31st, 1847. 

“ My DEAR Father, “ Finished 2nd September. 

“ I had deferred writing for some time in 
hopes of operations being renewed, and therefore 



AFFRAY WITH KAFFIRS. 


207 


subjects of more interest occurring to make my 
letter worth the trouble of reading. 

“ Matters, however, have remained much as they 
were when I last wrote, except that the posts 
which I mentioned to you as being held by 
camps only, have since, by the construction of 
permanent huts or sheds for the men and stables 
for the horses, been rendered durable. 

“ About two months since I was sent with my 
company to this post, which was formerly where 
Mr. Need, of our regiment, had, if you remember, 
a small camp to keep up the communication with 
Fort Peddie and King William's Town. The 
Kaffirs having, however, made a sharp attack 
upon Bisset, of the Cape Mounted Eifles (D. 
Q. M. General), and a party of ten men, who 
were proceeding from the Colonel’s camp to 
King William’s Town, it was at last considered 
necessary to strengthen this camp, which, being 
almost the centre of the Buffalo line of posts, 
was certainly an important one. 

“ Bisset’s affair was a sharp one, and he and 
his men had a narrow escape. About a mile 
from this post, and in sight of it, a point of bush 
runs out so as almost to touch the road, where it 
passes over a small rocky eminence. This bush is 
very extensive in the opposite direction, stretch¬ 
ing nearly down to the Biver Buffalo. The 


208 


AFFRAY WITH KAFFIRS. 


Kaffirs (who always look out for a safe retreat) 
occupied the point of hush close to the road; 
and as Bisset’s waggon, containing his baggage, 
passed, they opened a fire upon it. Bisset and 
his men dismounted and lay down behind some 
rocks on the opposite side of the road to the 
Kaffirs, separated from them only by the road 
itself; and, as the ground sloped down suddenly 
behind him, he was enabled to put his horses in 
security a few yards in rear. The two parties 
then fired at one another for ten minutes or a 
quarter of an hour, when the Kaffirs, seeing a 
reinforcement coming from this post, which Need 
(hearing and seeing the firing) had despatched to 
Bisset’s assistance, suddenly fled down the bush 
towards the river, losing two or three killed and 
some wounded. 

“Bisset was thanked in orders by Sir G. Berkeley 
for his conduct, which certainly was very gallant; 
but it was fortunate the affair occurred so near 
the post, as he and his men would otherwise have , 
been cut off when their ammunition was exhausted, 
the Kaffirs being nearly one hundred strong. 

“Nothing of moment has occurred on the Buffalo 
line since this little affair, except an attack, made 
by a large party of Kaffirs in broad daylight, upon 
the post-riders between this and Chalumna. The 
post, consisting of four Cape Mounted Rifles, were 


ATTACK ON POST-RIDERS. 


209 


riding through a small grove of thorns close to 
where the Fort Peddie road joins that which 
comes from King William’s Town, when the 
Kaffirs attacked them, wounding one horse mor¬ 
tally and another severely. Notwithstanding 
this, the Cape Corps, having discharged their eight 
barrels into the Kaffirs, galloped in safe; the 
horse that was mortally wounded fortunately 
carried his master into this post, and died about 
an hour after. ITe was shot through the lower 
part of the stomach. The other horse, though 
struck in the leg, also came in; but had either 
horse fallen, the riders must have been massacred. 
It was fortunate for me that I was not of the 
party, for only about three days before the occur- 
rence I rode in (having been on leave to Fort 
Peddie) with the same number of men by night , 
one man leading a horse. Luckily the Kaffirs 
were not out that evening. It is worth remarking 
that I have heard all the old Cape Corps soldiers 
say that they prefer riding express or post in the 
night , as the Kaffirs are seldom out in force at 
that time, and they cannot see you coming for so 
great a distance as in the daytime. After these 
two occurrences my company was ordered up here, 
and we encamped the first night in an open space 
within a few hundred yards of the scene of Bisset’s 
affair, and next morning came on to this camp. 


210 


POST AT GOOLAH BIDGE. 


Need went to join the Colonel’s camp at Goplah 
Heights, and I was left in charge here, with my 
own company (about eighty strong), twenty Cape 
Mounted Eifles, and seventy-five Fingoes, to which 
were soon after added thirty-one of the Hottentot 
levy. Having got the order to make a permanent 
post, I laid out the ground according to the little 
sketch I have enclosed, and built a stable for the 
Cape Corps horses, and huts for our men and the 
Hottentots, the whole to be surrounded by an 
entrenchment, making it in the form of a square 
fort, flanked by four bastions. The huts, stables, 
&c., are all built of 'wattle and daub,’ as it is 
called in England, and thatched, with the excep¬ 
tion of the Kaffir round huts in the bastions, 
which are occupied by the married people of the 
Eifle Brigade and Cape Mounted Eifles. The 
regulation size of the men’s large huts is 20 feet 
by 10, and 18 feet high in the angle of the 
shed. The entrenchment is traced upon regular 
principles, and consists of a parapet faced on 

both sides with turf, and a 
ditch. The unfinished huts 
and stables are marked in 
blank. The Cape Corps stable is made like a half 
shed, and will hold nearly 30 horses. When the 
corresponding one is completed there will be enough 
stabling for a troop. As I had the whole of the 




SKETCH OF POST. 


211 


planning andmarking out of this post, I rather take 
an interest in these details, and have troubled you 


100 Yards. 



O 

o 


k! 

p 

di 

m 


C. M. Rifles’ 
Married 
Huts. 



Finco 

Kraal. 




Profile of Stable. 



with them. When the Engineers were here they 
much approved of my fortification. I was getting 
on flourishingly when Captain Bringhurst, of the 

* This sketch is not drawn by scale, and, therefore, only shows 
the disposition of the post. The size may be judged by the fact 
that the distance between the points of the bastions is 100 yards 
on each face. 


























212 


EXPEDITION AGAINST SANDILLI. 


90th (whom you must remember at Dover), came 
up, and, being senior, took command here. This 
happened about a fortnight since, in consequence 
of an outbreak in the Amatola mountains, where 
Sandilli, the Kaffir chief of the mountain tribes, 
had refused to give up some goats which had been 
traced to his kraal, or punish the thief. A party 
was sent, under Captain Moultrie, of the 45th 
(celebrated for his sporting adventures at the 
Cape, and a great shooter of lions, &c.), to make 
Sandilli prisoner. It seems the plan was only 
known to Moultrie and one other person, and it 
is said that these two were so anxious to take 
Sandilli or shoot him themselves, that it was one 
cause of the failure of the project. A skirmish 
ensued, during which Sandilli walked through the 
circle of troops which had been formed round the 
kraal, and escaped. Some cattle were, however, 
taken, and brought in to Block Drift to the post 
there, but not without loss. Mr. Bussell, who 
commanded the Kaffir police (a newly raised force 
which has been found to answer), stopped a few 
minutes to water his horse at a brook. A Ka ffi r 
fired from the bush and shot him through the 
lungs, and he died just as they came in to Block 
Drift. His men, I hear, behaved very well, and 
were most useful in bringing him off. Since this 
occurrence, which happened in June last (not 


TERMS OFFERED TO SANDILLI. 


213 


many clays before the 18th), a sort of armed 
neutrality seems to be the order of the day. Pato, 
after a great deal of humbug about coming in, 
sent his brother-in-law instead, and an old firelock 
(which he said was his) in token of submission, 
but this was (of course) not received. Plowever, 
he has withdrawn the men who remained on this 
side the Buffalo, and there has been no more 
skirmishing for some time. The 90th (who had 
reached Cape Town on their way to England) 
were stopped, and recalled to take up the line 
of posts on this frontier in case of our moving 
against Sandilli. This occasioned Bringhurst’s 
arrival here; and while we have so many additional 
hands at the post, he is anxious to complete the 
works round it. I have laid down the lines, and 
he is hastening their execution as much as possible; 
as he justly says that, if we move with the Eingoes 
and Hottentots, he will be left with a handful of 
men, and it is as well to make the place as strong 
as possible. One bastion is completed, and three 
others are commenced, for the curtains, not being 
so important, are left to the last. Terms have 
been offered to Sandilli, but his answer is said not 
to be satisfactory, so I suppose we shall soon be 
hard at it again with him. 

Lily was so ill at Port Peddie that her 
doctor (Dr. Murtagh, of the 6th) insisted upon 


214 


QUARTERS IN GRAHAM’S TOWN. 


her giving up the thoughts of remaining in a 
tent any longer. Our house at Graham’s Town 
had been given up, and there was no other to 
be obtained, so I was in a difficulty, when Sir 
Henry Pottinger (whom we had made great 
acquaintance with at Peddie) very kindly put 
his house at Graham’s Town at our disposal, 
which enabled me to send her in. Since this the 
whole of the Staff, and the Governor, and General 
commanding have gone into Graham’s Town. I 
got leave for ten days to go into Graham’s Town 
the other day, and did the whole distance between 
this and Graham’s Town (eighty-five miles) in one 
day, starting at five o’clock in the morning, and 
before daylight, from this, and only stopping one 
hour at Port Peddie. I reached Graham’s Town 
at eleven o’clock at night; Sir Henry Pottinger 
having sent both his horses to meet me at Trum¬ 
peter’s Drift and Governor’s Kop. As Lily has 
a wing of the Governor’s house at her disposal, 
I stayed there during all the period of my leave, 
and nothing could exceed the kindness and hospi¬ 
tality of the Governor to us while staying there ; 
indeed, he seems to have established himself (like 
the Chancellor) in loco parentis. We saw a good 
deal of Sir George Berkeley and his daughter 
Mrs. Burnley (whom you remember at Brighton as 
Miss Berkeley), who very often dined at Govern- 


THE GOVERNOR'S POLICY. 


215 


ment House. Sir George very kindly extended my 
leave (unasked) to the 20th of this month, so that 
I have only just returned to the frontier. . . . 

The report on the 
frontier is that we are to march against Sandilli 
in about a month’s time, or possibly less. The 
Kaffirs are all well armed and prepared for resist¬ 
ance in that part of the country, having already 
sent their cattle out of the Amatola; and as 
the country is very difficult, and the Kaffirs 
numerous and the most warlike of all tribes, 4 il 
y aura des chapeaux a vendre.’ I hope it may 
have the effect of settling the business. Sir Henry 
Pottinger very wisely keeps all his projects quiet, 
so that until the movement takes place no one will 
have the slightest idea of what is going to be done. 
Indeed I doubt that any one except the Governor 
himself knows what is really going to take place. 
Our numbers are certainly not large, nor shall we 
have assembled any force as large as that which 
was collected at the Buffalo camp in December 
last. Your old friend Sir G. Berkeley, though a 
most excellent kind-hearted person, seems to me 
rather put out by the novelty of the warfare here, 
and I do not think he has quite seized the spirit 
of it as yet. The great difficulty is to know what 
to aim at, as the Kaffirs have neither towns, posi¬ 
tions, nor anything tangible to attack. From being 


216 


EXPEDITION INTO THE BUSH. 


naked, and accustomed to the difficulties of the 
country, they can always outmarch our troops, 
and, except by chance , there is no opportunity of 
getting at them. When once advanced into their 
country, not a man can go with safety unarmed 
three hundred yards from the camp, and it is upon 
parties which may be detached and weak in num¬ 
bers that the blows will fall heaviest. Witness 
the case of poor Gibson, Howell, and Clietwynd. 

»«•««•• e • t 

I have had the very unpleasant duty of going into 
a bush after Kaffirs, and I know that the very 
slightest article of equipment (even necessary) 
may hamper you extremely. Overhead the bushes 
cross their boughs, so that in many parts it is 
almost dark (especially in the afternoon), and long 
strings of creepers, joining from one to the other, 
trip you up almost at every step. Imagine men 
sent into these encumbered with shakos, knapsacks, 
&c. &c. Meantime the Kaffir, perfectly stripped, 
with only his musket, powder-horn, and assegai 
(or javelin), can move at any rate through the bush 
and lie in wait to fire at any point he chooses. 
They often lie as close as possible, allowing you 
to pass them, and then taking their opportunity 
to fire at you, or throw their assegais when your 
back is turned. 

“Sept. 2.—We have heard the news that San- 


PROCLAMATION AGAINST SANDILLI. 


217 


dilli has rejected the Governor’s terms, and he is 
accordingly outlawed by proclamation and declared 
a rebel. All the Burghers are called upon to join 
in invading the Amatola, with permission to cap¬ 
ture all his cattle, such as they take becoming 
without further ceremony their own bond fide 
property. 

“ There will be, I expect, a great number of 
volunteers, and a scene of ‘ take, burn, and 
destroy,’ such as the Kaffirs have not seen for 
some time. It is, however, just possible that 
Sandilli will give in, but I should think his terms 
would be much harder than they have hitherto 
been, even under such circumstances. As a copy 
of the proclamation has just reached me, I enclose 
it to you,* as you will be glad to see the way in 
which these people are dealt with, and it seems 
to me one of the clearest and best written I have 
read for some time. It states the question exactly 
as it stands, for it should be remembered that this 
very Sandilli was one of those chiefs who had 
made terms with Sir Peregrine Maitland, regis¬ 
tering his people (a great farce, by the way), and 
appearing to be well disposed to remain under 
the protection of the British Government. 

“ While we were hunting Pato over the Ive:, 

he remained quiet, but it seems he was only 

♦ 

* See p. 224. 

L 


218 CHARACTER OF THE AMATOLA. 

waiting for a pretext to break out afresh.. At our 
first camp after the return (not to say retreat) 
over the Kei, I remember Colonel Somerset writ¬ 
ing to Sir P. Maitland (who was then leaving 
the colony), to say that he had heard that the 
Gfaikas were not, as it had been supposed, dis¬ 
armed, but that they possessed arms, and were 
evidently only waiting for an opportunity to give 
trouble. 

“ Colonel Somerset passed through this post 
to-day on his way to the camp at Goolah Heights. 
The forward movement is expected to take place 
early in this month, Sir Gf. Berkeley being ex¬ 
pected to leave Graham’s Town on the 11th. So 
we shall soon be at it again. When I next write, 
perhaps there will be more that is interesting to 
write about.—Lily has lent me her pretty little 
chesnut horse ‘ Macomo/ and he is now with me 
here on the frontier, but I do not think I shall 
take him on in the forward movement, as his feet 
are not in very good order, and he would lose the 
beautiful condition he is now in, and possibly be 
knocked up with having to rough it out in these 
wet, rainy nights. Besides, the Amatola is a 
great place for losing horses. At the beginning 
of this war Colonel Somerset told me that he lost 
a very fine black charger in an action in the 
Amatola. He had got on another horse and left 


WANT OF MAPS. 


219 


the charger with his orderly. The Kaffirs shot 
the orderly and took the horse, and Sandilli kept 
him until a short time before this last outbreak, 
when Colonel Somerset managed to exchange a 
number of cows for him. 

“ Many thanks for the maps which yon were so 
good as to send, although they are not correct (I 
am sorry to say), for in England they are in a 
state of the most deplorable ignorance relative to 
the geography of this part of the world. . . . Our 
Engineer officers had not, when Sir Gi. Berkeley 
arrived , a single sketch to put in his hands that could 
be relied upon. There is now a very good sketch 
of the Buffalo line, executed by Lieut. J ervis of the 
Engineers, and Captain Macdonell of our regiment. 
Captain Owen of the Engineers tells me he has 
also a tolerably correct sketch of the Amatola. 
So we shall work upon better maps this time. If 
I have time before the mail is made up, I will 
write to my mother by this post, and thank her 
for the number of useful things which she has 
been kind enough to send to Lily and myself. 
We are both anxious to hear from you, as I have 
no letter in answer to one which I wrote on the 
other side of the Kei to you, and one which I 
also wrote from the Komga camp, after we had 
returned across it. 

“I also wrote a long account to Henry and 

l 2 


220 CHANCE OF PEOMOTION. 

4 

Colonel Hamilton Smith, and have never heard 
from either since. I trust none of my letters 
have failed in coming to hand, as, although I 
have my journal to fall back on, I had mentioned 
several things which were more vividly ill my 
recollection then, and which I should he sorry 
that you had not received. This letter will arrive 
safely, as Sir Henry Pottinger has kindly pro¬ 
mised to send it in the Colonial Office Bag, so 
that the security of its passage is certain. Pray 
have always a letter in the post-office; for even 
supposing there should he no post at the moment, 
they will send it by the first vessel going out to 
the Cape. 

“ You have not given me any answer about what 
I asked you respecting an unattached majority. 
If promotion goes on at the rate it is at pre¬ 
sent, I shall soon be first for the regimental majo¬ 
rity, and at all events it is best to be prepared. 
The only thing to be considered is, whether it 
would not be preferable to obtain the same rank 
‘ unattached 5 if possible, as there are then more 
opportunities of holding situations, especially 
staff-situations, which regimental field-officer’s 
rank deprives you of. There is a case in point 
here. 

“ Sir G-. Berkeley would be very glad to keep 
Major Burnley, of the 6th, on his staff, but he, 


DESIRE FOR “ UNATTACHED ” RANK. 


221 


being an effective field-officer of a regiment, is 
prevented from holding any staff-appointment, 
which he would much prefer to his present situ¬ 
ation. The expense is the same in point of 
money, and the unattached officer only gets half 
pay, it is true, but the moving about with a regi¬ 
ment is much more expensive upon full pay than 
holding a staff-situation at home or abroad would 
be. Besides, if on the unattached list, there is 
always the opportunity of being employed on 
particular service, which ensures the brevet Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonelcy as soon as that service is per¬ 
formed, and (as has been the case out here) a 
staff-appointment during the period of that ser¬ 
vice. The Assistant-Adjutant and Quartern! aster- 
Greneral out here were both officers on the un¬ 
attached list, coming out on particular service— 
Colonel Mackinnon and Major Storks. 

“ I hope you will write as soon as possible, and 
let me know what you mean to do about my pro¬ 
motion. I have now been nearly a year in the 
field (since last November), and all that time, 
with the exception of the very small period of 
leave that I have had, have been under canvas 
(fair weather and foul). 

“ Probably, by the time I hear from you again, 
I shall have had another taste of rough work, 
and, should I come happily through it, I think it 


222 


CLAIM TO PROMOTION. 


will nearly be time for something to be done in 
the way of promotion. Luckily, from my consti¬ 
tution not being a bad one, I have only had one 
illness all the time, which was a most violent 
cold and cough while in command of this post, 
so bad that Somerset shook his head at it, and 
said I ought to have leave to go in and get well. 
However, as I was then in command here, Sir 
Gh Berkeley said he would not give leave, as the 
post was too important to be left with a subaltern. 
—Since my return from leave my hut has been 
progressing, and I am now living with my sub¬ 
altern (Nicholl) in his hut, which is a good-sized 
one; but these comforts will all cease as soon as 
the forward movement takes place, and tents (or 
nothing) will be the order of the day. 

“ This, if you come to consider it, is rather 
hard work for so many months. Part of this 
time we have been actually on service, and over 
that least pleasant of all rivers, the Kei—all 
this time in a savage country. Perhaps the 
Horse-Guards might be more inclined to grant 
an unattached majority under the circumstances 
of being on service. At all events it is worth 
trying for. 

“ I do not think, on the score of finance, 
that you will find my account overdrawn at 
Messrs. Cox’s, but things are very expensive, 


EXPENSIVENESS OF TIIE COLONY. 223 

and, from the difficulty of procuring the common 
comforts and conveniences of life, they are sold 
at extravagant prices in this rascally colony. 
On the frontier the only people whom you can 
purchase them from are the ‘ Winklers/ a sort 
of suttlers, who hire a waggon and load it with 
things which, when they reach camp, they sell at 
extravagant prices. 

“ I will write to my mother if this mail will 
allow me time to do so. Pray tell her so, with 
my love.—Also to Gertrude and Henry.—With 
love to all, 

“ Believe me, my dear Father, 

“ Ever your most affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ PS. Pray give my love to aunt Caroline* 
when you write next to her. You will be glad to 
hear that I found Lily very much improved in 
health and spirits when I saw her in Graham's 
Town. She had been so ill while living in her 
marquee, that I am very glad she escaped the 
winter under canvas.” 


* Lady Caroline Murray, daughter of the second Earl of Mansfield. 



224 


SIR H. POTTINGER’S 


Proclamation by bis Excellency Major-General the 
Right Honourable Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart., 
G.C.B., Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the 
Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, Her Majesty’s 
High Commissioner, &c. &c. &c. 

Whereas the Gaika Kaffir Chief Sandilli was, in June 
last, called upon by my authority, and in conformity 
with the engagements entered into by him, in common 
with all the other Kaffir chiefs, to deliver up a thief who 
had stolen thirteen goats from the Settlement of Stock- 
enstrom (Kat River), and of whom he (Sandilli) denied 
all knowledge, at a moment when it was positively as¬ 
certained that not only had he the culprit in his power, 
but that he had plundered him, and other (innocent) per¬ 
sons belonging to the same kraal, of the whole of their 
property, on the plea of punishing them for the said theft. 

And whereas I deemed it to be my duty to direct that 
Sandilli should be called on to make atonement for the 
said breach of his engagements, in not delivering up the 
thief, as well as for his subsequent measures, which, in¬ 
stead of checking plunder and theft along the Colonial 
Border, were, in my estimation, eminently calculated to 
encourage excesses of that nature, by allowing thieves 
and marauders to escape, whilst he (Sandilli) benefited 
and enriched himself by confiscating their property, and 
that of other persons, against whom, in this instance, 
there was not even a pretence for a charge. 

And whereas Sandilli not only declined to make the 
atonement required of him, but sanctioned and encou¬ 
raged his followers to repel by force of arms the detach¬ 
ment which had been sent to enforce my demand, by 
which violent proceeding two of Her Majesty’s subjects 
were killed and several wounded; and Sandilli obviously 


PROCLAMATION AGAINST SANDILLI. 


225 


thereby placed himself in the light of a Rebel to the 
Queen’s authority, and set at nought the paramount 
power which he had acknowledged, and under the pro¬ 
tection of which he had, on certain defined terms, been 
admitted. 

And whereas the Commissioner for the Gaika tribes 
has been, since the above-described event, in frequent 
communication, under my instructions, with Sandilli, 
with the object of inducing him to make reparation, so 
far as that was possible, for his rebellious and violent 
course, but without success. 

And whereas, to evince my deep anxiety to avoid a 
recommencement of hostilities, and to preserve and en¬ 
courage feelings of good order and friendliness on both 
sides of the Frontier, and amongst all classes of people, I 
lately directed it to be intimated to Sandilli, that if he 
would, even at that moment, give in two hundred stand 
of arms, and seize and deliver up the thief who had 
been the cause of this discussion, I would pardon, on 
the Queen’s behalf, all that had passed, and would allow 
matters to revert to their previous friendly footing, 
which intimation Sandilli has totally disregarded, and 
is further understood to have adopted steps to defend 
his country, and to set Her Majesty’s authority at de¬ 
fiance. 

And whereas I,—taking into my deep and lengthened 
consideration that such contumacious and headstrong 
behaviour cannot be longer overlooked without endan¬ 
gering the general peace and tranquillity of the whole 
Colony, and particularly both sides of the Frontier, by 
disturbing the system which I have been for months 
past most anxiously and sedulously endeavouring to 
introduce and perfect; and moreover reflecting, that, 
where people dwell (as is the case with some of the co- 

L 3 


226 


PROCLAMATION AGAINST SANDILLI. 


lonists and a part of the Gaika Kaffir tribes) on either 
side of an imaginary line of demarcation, it is alone by 
mutual rigid adherence to their engagements, by the 
strictest observance of good faith, and by crime being 
speedily and effectually punished, that the success of the 
desired system can be possibly secured, or even antici¬ 
pated,—have determined, in the Queen’s name, and in 
virtue of the powers confided to me as Her Majesty’s 
High Commissioner, to have recourse to the only method 
that now remains to call Sandilli to account for his con¬ 
tumacy, and to vindicate the offended dignity and honour 
of the British Government. 

I do therefore hereby proclaim the said Gaika Kaffir 
Chief Sandilli to be a Rebel, and denounce him as no 
longer under the protection of Her Majesty’s Govern¬ 
ment; and I do further hereby invite and call on all 
classes and conditions of persons residing in this Colony to 
be aiding and abetting in carrying my intended measures 
against the said Rebel Chief into effect, by assembling 
in commandos, to be headed by leaders appointed by 
themselves, at Shiloh, on the day of the ensuing 

month of September, and thence to enter, supported by 
Her Majesty’s regular troops and the Colonial native 
levies, the country of the said Sandilli. 

And I do hereby further proclaim and promise, as an 
inducement to all persons to come forward, that all cattle 
and other booty captured by such commandos, belonging 
to or found within the country of the said Sandilli, or 
any others who may take part with him, shall become 
the bond fide property of, and be retained by, the captors; 
and that no claim shall hereafter be made on the part of 
Government, or on any other pretence, for an account 
of, or the restoration or relinquishment of cattle or other 
property so captured. 


SERGEANT HEWISON. 


227 


And I do hereby further proclaim that all the other 
Gaika, T'Slambie, and Tambookie Kaffir Chiefs, the 
Bushman Madoor, and their followers, who have de¬ 
clared their wish and intention to remain neutral, and to 
abide by their engagements during the approaching hos¬ 
tilities, are, and shall be understood and taken to be, 
under the protection of the Queen of England, so long 
as they shall act upon and be guided by the above-men¬ 
tioned declaration; and I do strictly, solemnly, and 
unqualifiedly enjoin and command all persons bearing 
allegiance to Her Majesty to refrain from molesting 
such neutral (or friendly) Kaffirs, and to consider the 
protection of them and their lives and property to be 
a paramount duty. 

God save the Queen ! 

Dated at Graham’s Town this 27th day of August, 
1847. 

Henry Pottinger. 


“ King William’s Town, Kaffirland, 

“ My dear Father, “ Feb * 16tb > 1848 - 

“ The bearer, Quartermaster Sergeant 
Hewison, has been twenty years in our battalion. 
His character has always been most excellent, 
but his constitution is unfortunately breaking up. 
He was, when I first knew him, Colour Sergeant 
in poor Fry's company, and has since been in his 
present situation. If you can manage anything 
for him (for he has only one year more to serve, 
and is expecting to obtain his discharge), I should 
be delighted to hear of his holding any good 



228 


COLONELCY OF SEVENTH DRAGOONS. 


situation which would not be too laborious for 
him, for this last campaign in Kaffirland has very 
much injured his health. His character is most 
excellent in the regiment. I have no time to say 
more on other subjects, and will write by the post 
to you; but, as Sergeant Hewison leaves early to¬ 
morrow morning, I could not allow him to leave 
for England without writing a line in his favour 
to you. 

“Believe me 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“Arthur S. Murrav. 

“ PS.—Hewison goes at present to be Quarter¬ 
master Sergeant of the depot, but he will go as 
soon as his time is up. 

“ Major-General the Hon. H. Murray , C.B., 

Government House, Bevonport .” 


[Received 1st June, 1848.] 

“ King William’s Town, 

“ My DEAR Father, “ March 16th, 1848. 

“ The report of your being appointed to 
the Colonelcy of the 7th Dragoon Guards has just 
reached us, and I lose no time in writing to con¬ 
gratulate you. Perhaps a light cavalry regiment 
would have been more what you would have wished, 
but the Dragoon Guards are considered a greater 
compliment, as it passes you over all other cavalry 



EFFICIENCY OF SEVENTH DRAGOONS. 229 

regiments in the service, and places you nearer 
the Household Troops, which is always considered 
an honour. The regiment has just left this 
station on its way to England, and there has been 
but one opinion of its gallantry and efficiency 
during the whole of this war. Indeed, from the 
nature of the service, the men have been more 
employed on the duties of light troops than from 
their original organisation would have been ex¬ 
pected, and they have always behaved with dis¬ 
tinction. Nothing could exceed the zeal of the 
men upon every occasion. In saying this I am 
only repeating the opinion of those who have 
commanded during this war, and I well remember 
Colonel Somerset giving the highest possible 
character of the regiment in general. 

“ Since Sir Henry Pottinger’s departure we have 
been living at this station, which, by a general 
order of Sir Harry Smith, is to be considered a 
permanent quarter. Sir Henry had very kindly 
given us the use of his cottage at Fort Peddie, 
which was extremely comfortable. 

“ Sir Harry Smith, on my application, ordered 
a marquee to be given to us out of the Commis¬ 
sariat store; we have accordingly been living in 
a small wattle and daub hut, and the marquee, 
while our house is building. A short time after 
this arrangement there was very severe weather, 



230 


COMFORTLESS QUARTERS. 


and tlie floods of rain were so tremendous that the 
Buffalo River swelled and washed away a house 
built near its banks, drowning the man who 
occupied it. The hut was not waterproof, and 
the marquee was completely wet through, and the 
greater part of the boxes, with the things they 
contained, spoiled by the water. We were, con¬ 
sequently, obliged to live entirely in the hut, 
notwithstanding the numerous leaks in it, and 
this state of affairs lasted for four days. Our hut 
(which, by the way, was lent us by my subaltern 
Nicholl) is not quite large enough for a two-stall 
stable, with a mud floor to it, and as I said before 
not waterproof. I am happy to say that Lily’s 
health has not suffered from all these hardships as 
much as might have been expected, but the winter 
is now coming on, and the nights are very cold, 
and sleeping under canvas will soon be very severe.. 
Our house is in progress, and from the difficulty 
of waggon hire, and the high price of work here, 
it will be a considerable expense, but being built 
of rough stone, with a good thatched roof, I am in 
hopes it will at least keep out wind and weather. 
It consists of only two rooms and a fireplace, and 
the men of my company have worked well at it, 
but the numberless fatigues, duties, and parades 
render the progress very slow. There are not 
quite four companies of the regiment here; and as 


OFFICERS’ HOUSES. 


231 


they have to work at the public buildings, such 
as the commanding officer’s quarters, and various 
buildings in process of formation under the En¬ 
gineer department, and to do their guards and 
parades and regimental fatigues, you may imagine 
how little time there is for private work. Colonel 

Buller has been very civil.His house is 

built for him by the Engineer department, but 
hitherto he has been in considerable discomfort, 
and was nearly washed out of his house during 
the rains. By Sir Harry Smith’s general order 
officers are recommended to build houses at their 
own expense, but it adds that waggons will not be 
provided to assist them. Now, when all are in a 
tolerably forward state, the commissariat is ordered 
to supply waggons, tools, &c., on condition of the 
houses so built being government property, which 
offer has of course not been accepted by those 
whose houses are nearly finished, as they have 

already incurred most of the expense.My 

cottage will cost about 120£.: but I am in hopes 
of receiving back about two-thirds of that from 
whoever may succeed me in it, the only stipulation 
being that all houses belonging to officers must 
be purchased by officers, the purchasers giving a 

fair price according to the original cost. 

“ The new town of King William’s Town is being 
laid out in streets, &c., but as yet only a few huts 




232 


SIR H. SMITH'S VISIT TO NATAL. 


or storehouses kept by winklers (i.e. shopkeepers, 
or suttlers) have been built. 

“ Sir Harry Smith has returned to Cape Town 
after a rapid excursion to Natal, in which he 
flatters himself that he has settled everything. 
The question, however, is rather a difficult one, 
and one may be permitted to doubt whether he 
can have had sufficient time to come to a right 
opinion of the bearings of the case. Sir Henry 
Pottinger said the Natal question would take 
some months of personal residence to enable him 
to form an opinion, and had he remained it was 
his intention to have gone to that part of the 
country, and remained there long enough to see 
the working of such measures as he would have 
adopted. Sir Harry Smith (when I dined with 
him) told me he meant to make a flying visit, 
travelling with Mr. Southey, his secretary (for¬ 
merly an interpreter and guide), and his servant 
Harley (a man of my company), in a light cart or 
waggon, and seemed to think that the ‘ Yeni, 
vidi, vici ’ system was to carry all before it. Great 
excitement seems to prevail in favour of Sir Harry 
Smith in the colony, and the last papers mention 
a proposal to erect an equestrian statue of him 
at Cape Town. 

“ The Kaffirs are comparatively quiet, peace 
having been proclaimed; but as they have been 



PATO—CAPTAIN IIOGG. 


233 


all reinstated in tlieir lands, tliey have not suffered 
much by the war. 

“ Pato was here yesterday, and sat with us 
some time, but there is an abstracted look about 
him, and a restlessness of manner, that I think 
remarkable, and foreboding no good. I asked 
him about events that had happened over the Kei, 
and especially the time when he so nearly fell into 
Colonel Somerset’s hands, when I was with him. 
He denied everything, but I think was afraid 
that I might make him prisoner if he acknow¬ 
ledged it. I do not think the Kaffirs will remain 
quiet long, and I hope we shall be out of the 
country before they break out afresh, but there 
really seems little chance of it. 

“ Captain Hogg, of your regiment, lias been 
about the most useful person on this frontier: I 
believe he is either going to leave the service or try 
to get an unattached majority. He commanded a 
corps of Hottentot infantry, which has been most 
useful in this war : in fact, most of the successes of 
the last campaign are attributable to the captures 
of cattle made by that corps. There is no news of 
any sort or kind, except what I have told you. . . 

.. Nothing can be more wretched than living in this 
. . . country. Everything is most preposterously 
expensive; and when one considers the comforts 
and advantages one might enjoy in any civilised 



234 


PROSPECT OF RENEWED HOSTILITIES. 


country for tlie same or even a smaller amount, 
it is really mortifying to reflect that we are paying 
all this money and wanting half the necessaries 
of life. We are now pro tempore at peace; and 
were there any means of escaping a longer re¬ 
sidence here, now would he the time to make use 
of them. But it is absurd to suppose that, with 
the troops weakened to the degree they soon will 
be, we shall remain long at peace: the Boers on 
the N.E. boundary are already beginning to give 
trouble, while the Kaffirs are still robbing and 
murdering in the colony. A farmer, of the name 
of Ingram, was murdered by Kaffirs near Gra¬ 
ham’s Town, about a fortnight since, on his own 
estate. This shows how tranquil they are dis¬ 
posed to be. We are now in the very heart of 
Kaffirland, with Kaffirs all round us, and any 
signal of war would surround us with enemies. . . 

. . . I would gladly seize any means of returning 
to Europe, but while belonging to this battalion 
there is no chance of it. 

u You have never given me any answer to 
the repeated questions I have made in my 
letters regarding my promotion. There ap¬ 
pears to be no present chance of it in this 
regiment, as, from your having permitted two 
officers to purchase over my head, and both being 
here present with the battalion, they will, of 


PRIZE MONEY. 


235 


course, seize any step tliat goes in the regiment 
before me. Government does not seem to intend 
that the slightest reward in the shape of promotion 
by brevet should be given to officers, and it is 
sickening to serve ill such a country for nothing. 
In all your experience of the service I do not 
hesitate to say that you could not have gone 
through a year of such hardship as the last has 
been to us. If any claim would be allowed to 
promotion to unattached rank, I should think 
that it would in this case. It is remarkable that 
my company, from having been the only one of 
the battalion which crossed the Kei the second 
time, is the only one to which a large share of 
prize money has been awarded. Of course, I mean 
only the men , who have mostly about 2/. 10s. each 
from the sale of the captured cattle. Every one in 
the regiment. .. is . .. disgusted with the country, 
which is, indeed, a savage one. Lily sends her 
love to you and all at Government House; and 
believe me, my dear Father, 

“ Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

ie I am very sorry to hear so bad an account of 
poor uncle George,* and hope that he may improve 

* The late Lieut.-General the Hon. George Murray. He was a 
good Greek scholar, very amiable, clever, and amusing, and a great 
favourite in his own family. 


236 


SEVENTH DRAGOON GUARDS. 


in health. At first I had my doubts whether some 
mistake had not been made, and that he might 
have obtained the 7th Dragoon Guards, so seldom 
is a regiment so high up in the List given at first 
to a major-general. Pray give my love to all at 
home. 

“ Gertrude tells me that she has lost a very 
nice companion in Mrs. Maxwell, and I am very 
sorry to hear it, for it is a great thing for her to 
have some agreeable person to go out with if my 
mother happens not to be well. The Gazette 
containing your appointment to the 7th Dragoon 
Guards has only just reached us, but I am glad 
to see that there was no mistake in the report. 
Gertrude’s letter reached me to-day, and I have 
enclosed a few lines in answer, not having time 
to write a long one. 

“You will probably see your regiment soon 
after its return. It is, I think, a beautiful corps 
as far as the men are concerned, and they were in 
this country very well mounted. Their horses 
have, however, been left in the colony, and 
mostly distributed to the Cape Corps. Many of 
the men also have obtained their transfer to that 
regiment. 

“PS. I was glad to hear my old horse was 
doing so well, and that you rode him now and 
then at parade.” 



PROSPECT OF IMPROVED QUARTERS. 


237 


“ King William’s Town, 

“ My dear Father, “ May 15th, 1848. 

“ You will be glad to bear that our house 
is so nearly finished that we expect to occupy it 
in the course of next week. The continued ob¬ 
stacles that have been thrown in the way of its 
completion,—partly from the enormous expense 
of materials and waggon hire, and partly by the 

hindrance of., who took away the only 

carpenter I had to work for me., 

saying that £ a major was to be considered before 
a captain’ (on the principle of Michael Cassio, I 
suppose, ‘ that a lieutenant was to be saved before 
an ancient’),-—have at length been overcome, and 
I trust that Lily’s health will now improve as 
soon as she is relieved from the discomfort of 
passing these cold nights under canvas. Few 
people have borne the hardships she has submitted 
to; and, certainly, none could be more cheerful 
under them. 

“ We rode into Graham’s Town on a fortnight’s 
leave last month, in order to settle some things pre¬ 
vious to our house being finished; and also to get 
the comfort of being, for even a short time, under 
a roof. We were unfortunate in the weather at 
first starting, a heavy storm in the mountains 
having swollen the rivers, and rendered the drifts 





238 


BIVOUAC AT LINE DRIFT. 


almost impassable. We crossed the Buffalo in a 
boat which has been lately established here, 
swimming the horses over; but, on arriving at 
Line Drift, on the Keiskamma, we found Hors- 
ford and Cornwall, who had preceded us one day, 
unable to cross the drift, and the river coming 
dawn like a mill-stream. It was too late to 
return, and we were obliged to light a fire and 
bivouac for the night under a tree, the top of 
which, having been bent over by recent floods, 
formed a species of hut. In the middle of the 
night our temporary shelter caught fire, from 
some old dried leaves and weeds which remained 
in the boughs igniting, and we were obliged to 
turn out for about half an hour until these had 
burnt out. Luckily the branches did not catch, 
and we were enabled to return and sleep there 
until morning. Some of the Cape Mounted Rifles 
came down next day, and swam across with a 
rope, which they made fast to both banks, and, 
by their assistance, Horsford, being mounted on 
a very good horse, was led across the river. 
Lily was anxious to attempt the passage, but I 
felt too nervous about her safety to allow it. 
To understand the danger it is as well to explain 
the means of crossing. 

“A strong cavesson of leather is put on the 
horse’s head, and the reins either taken over by 


CROSSING THE KEISKAMMA. 


239 


the man who leads, or knotted on the neck. Two 
men, stripped to their shirts and np to their 
waists in water, hold on to the rope that crosses 
from hank to bank, and lead the horse by the 
cavesson. The current running strong, the horse 
hangs back down stream, and works against the 
current with his head to it. Should the cavesson 
(or rein, as it is called) break, nothing can save 
your being carried, horse and all, down the river; 
and as long as you and the horse do not part 
company, there is a bare possibility of your 
coming out, having been dashed almost to pieces 
by the rocks and trees which hang over the banks. 
But this even must be a providential escape. 
Should you, however, by the horse’s falling, or 
any other accident, slip off, nothing can save you. 
I, therefore, could not allow Lily to cross at the 
time Horsford succeeded, and in consequence we 
had to pass another night in bivouac under our 
old shelter. Early the next morning the men of 
the Cape Corps came down, but, although the 
river had fallen a little, the current was tremen¬ 
dous. However, the men, who were old soldiers, 
and had known us both before, swore that the 
‘ Mrs.’ should be taken over safe, and that they 
would answer for it with their lives. So we 
attempted the passage, and got safe across. Each 
of us had to be led over in the same manner, for 


240 


RIDE TO GRAHAM’S TOWN. 


the men would not allow us to use our reins. I 
have crossed the Kei when it was not pleasant, 
but I hardly think it was such nervous work as 
this. The current was stronger than the day 
before, and made the horses disposed to hang 
back, but they all performed the ‘ trajet ’ well. 
We reached Fort Peddie to breakfast; and as 
Lily was anxious to get to Graham’s Town, 
where she could repose in some degree of comfort 
after her fatigues and hardships, we continued 
our ride, and reached Graham’s Town at night— 
fifty-seven miles in the course of a day ! 

“ Since writing the last sheet we have had the 
pleasure of receiving your letters of the 15th and 
29tli of January. I am very glad that your regi¬ 
ment was given in so flattering a manner, and 
hope it is only an earnest of more marks of 
favour from the same quarter. You will by this 
time have received my letters written on hearing 
of your appointment. Your regiment is much 
altered from what it was on leaving England. It 
was then considered heavy and slow , but the con¬ 
stant work in the field in this country has 
rendered the men intelligent; and if Colonel 
Gibson keeps up the spirit that seemed to me to 
exist among the men, it will be one of the best in 
the service, and quite equal to any duties of light 
troops that it might be called upon to perform 


SEVENTH DRAGOON GUARDS. 


241 


upon an emergency. I fear many of the smartest 
men have exchanged to the Cape Mounted Rifles, 
but still there must be some of the old soldiers 
in the ranks that would soon break in the young 
ones to their duty, and teach them a little more 
than seems generally taught in heavy dragoon 
regiments. Some of the officers, too, are quite up 
to their duties in the field. Darell was distin¬ 
guished at the Guanga, and had both himself 
and his horse wounded. Hogg has made himself 
quite a reputation in this country as a commander 
of light troops. Butler was several times in 
action, and on the occasion of the attack made 
upon the 7th Dragoon Guards at Trumpeter’s, 
where they were obliged to dismount two-tliirds 
of the men and skirmish in the bush, his conduct 
was so conspicuous, that the men of his troop 
came when the day was over to say how much 
they felt his judgment and conduct had contri¬ 
buted to their security under such difficulties. 

“ T thought you would like to hear what I had 
been able to hear and see with regard to the 
regiment of which you have got the command. 

“ I am sorry you are disappointed that I was 
not with Colonel Buller in the Keiskamma Hock. 

“It may read well in the newspapers that 
Sandilli surrendered to him, but, in fact, he sur¬ 
rendered to Bisset, of the Cape Corps, who rode 

M 


242 


SANDILLI’S SURRENDER. 


out to meet him, and brought him into Graham’s 
Town. He passed one night in camp at the 
Keiskamma Hock, and this was all they saw of 
him. Besides, the patrols from the General’s 
camp had quite as much, if not more, skirmishing 
with the Kaffirs than those from Buller’s camp, 
and they had the additional comfort of tents 
during the wet weather. Indeed, it was rather 
as a mark of favour that Sir George obtained the 
arrangement of keeping my company with him; 
and being the only part of the Bifle Brigade that 
made the second march across the Kei, it is the 
only company that came in for a share of prize- 
money from the captured cattle. I also, by this 
means, commanded on several occasions upon 
which doing so was an advantage, and I know 
that Sir George has kindly mentioned my name 
several times in his despatches home. So that I 
do not, in the least , regret that I was not with 
the party at the Keiskamma Hock; who, after 
Sandilli’s surrender, were kept in perfect idleness 
until the conclusion of the war. 

“To return to your letters. Sir Henry Pot- 
tinger having gone to Madras, I am sorry that I 
cannot add your thanks to mine for his great 
kindness to Lily and myself, but I will mention 
them to him when I write. He is not, however, 
a person who likes to be thanked, although his 


A HOUSE IN KAFFIRLAND. 


243 


continual kindness and attention to Lily and me 
has made us bankrupt of acknowledgments. . . . 

“ I am disgusted with this country. While ' 
the war lasted there was some interest and excite¬ 
ment, but nobody who has not experienced it can 
tell how desolate a station is in a savage country, 
with no society, and, until the last few days, not 
even a house to live in. On our return from 
Graham’s Town, which was accomplished with 
comparative ease, the rivers having fallen, we 
found our cottage in a fair way of completion. 

To understand what we call a house in Kaffirland 
you must imagine a long barn-shaped building, 
containing one fireplace and chimney, and covered 
with thatch, about the size and length of your 
court-martial room, divided into two by a parti¬ 
tion wall, and forming two rooms, the inner of 
which is again divided by a temporary partition. 
The thatched roof is carried several feet over the 
front of the house, and supported by poles, thus 
forming a sort of verandah. A door opens from 
each room into the verandah, and there is another 
door at the back. 

“We have been put to great expense from the 
hire of waggons, &c.: for had I availed myself of 
the Government waggons they would have seized 
upon the house as theirs. There are small glass 
windows in one room about the size of the case- 

si 2 


244 


EXPENSE OF BUILDING. 


ments in a farm-house, and in the bed-room we 
have only canvas stretched over frames, as glass 
would raise the expense too much. 

“Nothing can exceed the inordinate expense 
of this colony; and although we have done our 
best , I am well aware that the bills I have had to 
give on England are very large. 

“The building of this house has cost 120/.; 
and when you consider that it is nothing more 
than a large stone barn, divided into two by a 
stone partition,—that the ceiling is coarse canvas 
stretched,—and that the windows of one room are 
also canvas,—it will give you an idea of the 
amazing expense of labour, even when the work¬ 
men are soldiers of one’s own regiment. 

“One thing at least I am glad of, and that is 
that it is durably built, and from having a plank 
floor we are not living upon damp earth, as is the 
case in most other huts. 

“ Lily has shown capital management, and 
turned boxes, &c., to account in furnishing the 
room, covering them with some of the old Medi¬ 
terranean things, &c., and turning old curtains 
into coverings so as to look neat and tidy. The 
skin karosses which formed part of our camp 
furniture answer as rugs, so that the room looks 
better than it really is. 

“Major Beckwith has built a wattle and daub 



DAMAGE BY RAIN. 


245 


house, hoping that it would cost him less, but he 
has found it (as we told him) a failure, for it has 
cost him exactly the same as our stone building; 
and should there he floods during the winter, 
which is now coming on, his walls will be washed 
away in many places. Unluckily for us, we were 
kept so long under canvas that all the things we 
brought with us have been more or less damaged 
by the wet weather, and we have had to replace 
some things that were irretrievably spoiled. An 
excellent mattrass was totally spoiled, the covering 
having rotted and been torn by rats, which infest 
most of the tents here. Our clothes have also 
been spoiled by mildew, so that we have been put 
to expense of every description. However, I 
hope our hardships are over for a time, and (if 
we are not again moved) that we may enjoy some 
rest after them. 

“ Colonel Buller and Captain Horsford are 
going on leave to England. ...... 

“ I am very glad that you wrote to Admiral 
Dacres. Every one seems to like him, and he has 
already shown his feeling in our favour. 

“ I have said nothing in this letter as yet about 
future prospects, because from a passage in your 
letter I am in hopes that when you get up to 
town you will see what can be done in the way 
of promotion for me. I confess that, 



24G 


THOUGHTS ON PROMOTION. 


taking into consideration the wretched country in 

which the regiment is stationed,.I 

would willingly exchange into another that offered 
more advantages. It will not do, however, to 
lose promotion, as that should he the first con¬ 
sideration in any arrangement made. 

When I consider the length of time I have been 
in the infantry, I doubt whether the Horse 
Guards will ever remember the promise which 
both poor Lord Hill and Lord FitzRoy made— 
that I should be brought back to cavalry at some 
future opportunity. If I am to wait many years 
more for promotion, I would rather do so as a 
captain of cavalry. If, on the other hand, they 
would allow me to purchase an unattached ma¬ 
jority, I might afterwards exchange into cavalry; 
but all things should be well understood before 
any arrangement is made, otherwise the sanction 
of the authorities might be wanting at the last 
moment. One thing is quite certain,—nothing 
is to be gained by staying here. Poor Sir George 
Berkeley always said he wondered at our being 
allowed to remain here so long, when there was 
literally nothing to be gained by it. 

“ We have heard upon pretty certain authority 
that nothing is to be done in the way of rewards 
for those concerned in the Kaffir war. 

“ My mother, who is not quite 1 au fait 9 of the 





THE KAFFIRS QUIET. 


247 


true state of tlie case, compares it to India (a 
very different station in every respect), and seems 
sanguine in her expectations in consequence. 
But there is no doubt that this colony is widely 
different. There have been too few actions of 
magnitude, and the uncertainty of the movements 
of the Kaffirs has prevented the weight of the 
struggle from falling equally upon all engaged in 
the war; and it would be a difficult thing to find 
out who were actually engaged and who were not. 
I do not mean to say that all who have served 
will not be favourably considered, and that it will 
not always count as service in the field, but there 
will be no brevets given to any one. 

“ We are now in perfect quiet as far as hostili¬ 
ties with the Kaffirs are concerned, and the Kaffir 
Police (a corps raised by Sir Henry Pottinger), 
composed of Kaffirs, takes the duty of patrolling 
the country and bringing back all cattle stolen by 
the Kaffirs from the colony. 

“ The Kaffirs themselves seem quiet enough, 
and bring wood, milk, and pumpkins into the post, 
which they sell for sixpence or threepence, or 
some tobacco, according as you like to pay them. 

“My mother in her letter recommends me to 
try and go on to India, upon either Sir George 
Berkeley’s or Sir Henry Pottingers staff. Sir 
George has his staff quite full, and I do not think 



248 


DEFENCES OF ENGLAND. 


that in any other case it would be desirable at 
present, especially as in order to hold any situa¬ 
tion paid by the Company you must exchange 
into a regiment serving in India, and conse¬ 
quently give up promotion. At all events there 
is much that requires consideration. 

“ I am glad to hear you have had something to 
do with the subject which engrosses every one— 
the defences of the country. If you look at 
some of the old letter-books in the Brigade Office, 
you will find a curious, and I think ingenious, 
letter to Lord George Lennox on the same subject. 
I believe the writer is General Simcoe, who was 
celebrated for his services in America; but I only 
gather this from some points in the letter. 

“ Colonel Oldfield has a copy of General Lloyd’s 
book on the defence of England, which I procured 
for him, and which I have no doubt he would 
lend you; and coming from such high authority, 
you would find many suggestions useful. 

“ A district in England is now become a more 
important command than it was, and you will I 
am sure be interested in the subject from the 
great importance of it. There is no doubt that 
the subject has been too much allowed to drop 
into oblivion, and the very small number of 
troops in each district makes every movement on 
the defensive a very crippled one. Should there 


QUESTION OF INVASION. 


249 


ever be a sudden war with France, a day would 
bring 20,000 men, forming the permanent gar¬ 
rison of Paris, to Boulogne, and what have you 
to concentrate against them? One comfort is 
that the Western District is not so likely to be 
threatened as any point nearer London; but it 
might be a question for you to decide what you 
could do if your communication with London and 
the south-east counties was cut off, which any 
force landing intermediately and establishing itself 
would soon do. Of course all disposable troops 
would be drawn off to cover London; in which 
case, the hills near Beigate, and perhaps even 
Wimbledon, might become the positions of de¬ 
fence taken up. But you and the Western 
district would be left to your own inventions, 
minus your ordinary line of communications. Of 
course my suppositions extend to the fact of a 
large force having established their landing. Al¬ 
though, as I say, the fact of their going so far 
from London as to land in the Western district is 
improbable, it should still be remembered that 
King William III.’s point of landing was Torbay, 
and that you have only the regiment of cavalry 
at Exeter holding the whole of Devonshire and 
Somersetshire (where the Duke of Monmouth 
landed), which has not a single soldier, unless 
Colonel Tynte and his yeomanry rank as such, 

M 3 


250 


NEW MILITARY GAME. 


“ Excuse my having given you such a dose of 
difficulties ; hut there they are, and I leave them 
for your consideration. 

“ By-the-bye, as we are on military subjects, 
an officer now in the Cape Corps and formerly in 
the Prussian service, has written to Prussia to 
procure me the new military game, illustrative of 
all the movements of troops, which are moved 
upon plans of fields of battle according to a certain 
rule, each move being subject to certain rules. 
This he has told them to send directed to your 
care at Eevonport, where it would be taken care 
of for me. It is universally studied in Prussia, 
and the King has made a present of a box of 
pieces and board of plans to every regiment in his 
service for the use of the officers. If any parcel 
answering to this description comes to you directed 
for me, would you kindly take charge of it ? It will 
probably be sent through the Prussian Embassy. 

“ I have no time to write more, for I am anxious 
to save this post. 

“ Lily sends her best love to you; and with 
kind love to all at home, 

“ Believe me ever, my dear Father, 

“ Your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 5 ’ 


ORDERED TO COLESBERG. 


251 


[Received 25th October, 1848.] 

“ King William’s Town, 

“ My dear Father, “ 30th July, 1848. 

“ I am just on the eve of marching to Coles- 
berg, and proceed near six hundred miles in the 
interior of the country. 

“ Poor dear Lily is obliged to remain behind at 
King William’s Town, as they will not allow her 
to accompany the troops. 

“ The cause of the march is that the Dutch 
Boers, headed by the noted Pretorius (the same 
who headed a rebellion at Katal formerly, when 
they very nearly destroyed a company of the 
27tli), have again broken out and occupied the 
country beyond the Orange Eiver, having given 
Major Warden and the detachment he commands 
twenty-four hours’ notice to quit the country, 
which they have done. 

“ An express arrived the night before last from 
Cape Town, having been ordered to ride with the 
utmost haste, by which orders were received to 
march two companies of the Eifle Brigade from 
this place; two companies 45th Eegiment from 
Fort Hare; two companies 91st Eegiment, four 
troops of the Cape Mounted Eifles and two guns, 
and a detachment of Sappers and Miners; the 
whole to unite at Colesberg, marching by dif- 


252 


REBELLION OF BOERS. 


ferent routes until they join on the Colesberg 
road. 

“ This force is to be under Colonel Buller’s com¬ 
mand, who is to wait at Colesberg for Sir Harry 
Smith’s orders. Colonel Bullers and Captain 
Horsford’s leave has been cancelled. 

“ Major Beckwith goes up with our two compa¬ 
nies (mine and Hardinge’s), and, on joining the 
rest of the troops, is to command the infantry. 

“ Two companies of the Bifle Brigade and a 
detachment of another remain here under Hors- 
ford’s command. 

“It will take very nearly a month for us to 
arrive at Colesberg, marching every day except 
Sundays. The campaign will then begin beyond 
Colesberg ; and as the Boers are all mounted, 
and have the power of moving several hundred 
miles beyond that into the interior, over vast 
plains where hardly any wood can be procured, 
our little force will have probably a severe cam¬ 
paign before it. 

“Pretorius has a very considerable force as¬ 
sembled, 1200 mounted men ; and, besides know¬ 
ing the country well, is a well-educated and clever 
man. Sir Harry Smith has offered 1000/. reward 
for his apprehension. 

“ They have, of course, all sorts of reports; but 
one is that the Kaffir chief Moshesli, who lives 


ANTICIPATED PERILS. 


253 


near the Orange Biver, is offended at Govern¬ 
ment having ordered his land to he surveyed, and 
is not likely to be friendly to us. 

“ It seems to me that our force is not sufficient ; 
but we shall see. We have not more than six or 
seven hundred men in all, including cavalry and 
artillery. 

“You must be aware of the prodigious expense 
which all these movements and changes oblige us 
to incur. 

“ Dear Lily remains in our house at this place, 
and I am happy to say has at least a good roof 
over her head; but this is all. She is left per¬ 
fectly alone in a more desolate place than any she 
has before remained at. There is not a single 
person here whom she can make a companion of. 

“ There is no communication with Colesberg 
under a month, so that, should any difficulty arise, 
I cannot hear of it for a considerable time. This 
is by no means a safe country, and the removal 
of the troops will encourage the Kaffirs to fresh 
insurrection; so that I cannot even say that I 
leave her in security. 

“ I have advised her, in case of any violent out¬ 
break here, to go to Graham’s Town or to Buffalo 
Mouth, where she might, if the war comes to the 
worst, go by sea to Cape Town. 



254 


PROBABLE DURATION OF WAR. 


“ But it is a most dreadful emergency to look 
forward to. The frontier will be very weak in 
point of troops, and matters might easily come to 
that pitch that the road to Graham’s Town would 
not be safe to travel. Above all, my absence 
will be most seriously inconvenient in case of 
any difficulty about money, for there is no one in 
England upon whom she can draw in case of 
emergency; when I am six hundred miles away 
and exposed to daily and hourly risk, my note-of- 
hand will not be procurable. 

“ As I before wrote to you, this is not a country 
in which we ought to be left, if it can possibly be 
avoided. It is most expensive ; and the continued 
unsettled state of the frontiers renders every sta¬ 
tion insecure. 

“ I have not the slightest idea, nor I believe has 
any one else, of the probable duration of this new 
contest. Some say six months. 

“ Poor Lily is inconsolable. She had made up 
her mind to accompany us as far as Colesberg ; but 
Colonel Buller will not allow her to do so, urging 
with justice the amazing distance, the wildness of 
the country, and the utter impossibility of send¬ 
ing back or leaving any one with her in case of 
sickness. 

“ She has written to you by this post. 

“ I believe I mentioned in my last letter that 


EXPENSES OF THE COUNTRY. 255 

my last bill on Messrs. Cox was for 100/. at the 
commencement of this month. This was given 

to-, and was payable at thirty days after 

sight. 

“ I am aware that it is absolutely necessary to 
avoid expense, but it is literally impossible to 
do so in this colony, where the common neces¬ 
saries of life are so dreadfully expensive. I hear 
that when we get up to Colesberg the charges are 
tremendous ; and now that there is a field-force 
going up there, the farmers will try to make as 
much by them as possible. After Colesberg, there 
is a tract of country where there is no wood to 
be procured to light even a fire, unless you have 
the good luck to find dry dung of any sort which 
you can ignite ! This promises well for a part of 
the country in which there is frost and snow 
during this season of the year. 

“ The greatest chance of the campaign being 
soon over is, that the Boers may form a sort of 
entrenched camp, or 4 loyer/ as they call it; and if 
this is attacked and stormed, it is supposed that 
they may submit, but they are not likely to 
shut themselves up with all the country behind 
them. 

“ Lily tells me to say that she will write to you 
all the details she hears when we are up at Coles¬ 
berg, and I hope you will write regularly to her. 



256 


THE RAINY SEASON. 


Remember she has nobody near her, poor child! 
that she can make a friend of. 

“Poor Sir Henry Pottinger, the kindest friend 
1 have ever met since leaving England, is now far 
away; and we have no one in command of the 
troops like your good old friend Sir George 
Berkeley, who was one of the kindest and most 
gentlemanlike people I ever met with. 

“ In the present hurry of departure I have been 
obliged to pay the whole of the bills for the house 
at once. I have also had to draw money for the 
march, and shall have to give another bill on 
Messrs. Cox for 1101. as soon as the forms for so 
doing have been sent me by-. 

“ These expenses are very great; but I see no 
end to expense and inconvenience of every de¬ 
scription as long as we remain in so miserable a 
country as this. 

“ The box which my mother kindly sent by 
the ‘ Acheron ’ is arrived, and I am much obliged 
for the things contained in it. I will write to 
her if possible by this post. 

“ The rainy season has just commenced and 
will probably last for six weeks. The Buffalo is 
swollen by the rains, and I rather doubt whether 
the drift will be practicable. I hear that Colonel 
Buller is anxious to try it, as the 45th have 
already marched from Fort Hare. At present we 




OFFICERS’ WIVES CAMPAIGNING. 


257 


are under orders to march, to-morrow morning’. 
With best love from Lily, 

“ Believe me, my dear Father, 
cc Ever your affectionate Son, 

“ Arthur S. Murray. 

“ Give my love to my mother and Gertrude. 
I hope-is better. 

“ You had better direct to King William’s 
Town as before. Your letters will then be for¬ 
warded when there is an opportunity. There is 
no regular post (I believe) to Colesberg. The 
distance from hence to Colesberg is about three 
hundred miles, but we go far beyond it. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray , C.B., 

Government House , Devonport , Devon, England .” 


In all these details it may be observed how 
small a space is devoted to himself compared with 
the interest and anxieties which are attached to 
his wife’s comfort and safety. 

Although she encountered the hazards and 
fatigues of service in no common spirit of 
womanly resolution, yet from first to last how 
heavy a weight to her husband were the diffi¬ 
culties connected with her, compared with those 
of an officer campaigning as an unmarried man. 




258 


WAR AMONG SAVAGES. 


Wives, in their affection to their husbands, will 
not believe this; they indulge romantic hut sin¬ 
cere notions that their kind solicitude and ever 
ready attention can smooth all difficulties. But 
the plain, however unpleasing, truth is, that a 
wife’s accompanying her husband on actual ser¬ 
vice adds a thousand times to any anxieties there 
may he in campaigning, and which may he 
borne by a single man not only with a tranquil 
mind hut a light heart. 

Every officer going on active service must have 
felt that, whatever animated view there may be 
in the prospect of such employment, there is a 
severe pang in taking leave of those to whom he 
is attached and whom he never may see again. 
But the pain of such separation is usually very 
much lightened by the certainty that the danger 
is to be exclusively his own—that those he leaves 
will he in safety and in comfort; but it was 
not so in Kaffir]and, a country of savages, and 
savages at war. If even in Christian communities 
war obliterates moral feelings, how much more so 
must it sharpen the cruelties of those who are 
entirely ignorant of the moral and religious obli¬ 
gation of mercy ! 

It was under these circumstances this young 
officer had to go forth to battle; hut according 
to the exigencies of the moment he did whatever 
was considerate to provide for the safety of his 



HOPE NOT TO BE RESIGNED. 259 

wife; and those who may chance to read this 
Memoir will learn with satisfaction that the 
dangers which he apprehended for her in the 
event of his own death were happily averted 
by means that at that time he could not 
foresee. 

In the most perplexing and trying difficulties, 
when all human effort must fail to insure extrica¬ 
tion, hope need never he resigned, since a higher 
power than human reason must determine the 
event: in that Power we may confide, since the 
measure of evil or of good which it decrees must 
be the best. 

In the common intercourse of life we are 
little disposed to credit the kind feelings that 
often surround us unnoticed and unperceived; 
but when a great affliction befalls us Providence 
seems to educe these feelings for our consola¬ 
tion ; and so it proved when in that desolate 
situation Arthur’s wife soon afterwards became 
a widow. 

I did not read the foregoing letter without 
considerable anxiety, and I did not communicate 
it to my wife and daughter, who were neither of 
them well at the time, and always most warmly 
interested in Arthur’s welfare. 

I was engaged in the Brigade Office when my 
aide-de-camp, Captain Protliero,* came in and 

* Now Lieut.-Col. Prothero, 3rd West York Militia. 


260 


ILL NEWS FROM THE CAPE. 


mentioned that accounts had been received from 
the Cape of Good Hope, and that an action had 
been fought: he added, “ Have you heard lately 
from Captain Murray ? ” 

“ Yes : I had a letter from him yesterday. 5 ’ 

“ It is said Captain Murray has been wounded.” 

I asked when the action had taken place. 

“ It was on the 29tli of August.” 

“ Where?” 

The place was mentioned—beyond Colesberg. 
“ Then,” said I, “ the detachment of the Eifle 
Brigade could hardly have had time to reach it. 
Is it said that Arthur was severely wounded ? ” 

“Yes,” answered Captain Prothero, “ as badly 
as possible.” 

I doubted the fact of his having been engaged— 
the time seemed to me too short for the completion 
of the march to Colesberg ; but then a misgiving 
came to my mind that the fact might be true, 
and I revolved in my thoughts how I best could 
assist him if badly wounded; when all at once 
the thought struck me, and I said, “ He is not 
dead ? ” 

The manner, if not the answer, spoke this but 
too truly. 

The communication could not have been made 
more kindly or more considerately. I went into 
the next room to calculate with the Brigade 



AT HOME AND ABROAD. 


261 


Major the time required for the march to 
Colesberg. Alas ! it was quite possible. But I 
determined not to break the matter to his mother 
and sister until I could ascertain the fact to a 
certainty, and I wrote to Lord FitzEoy Somerset. 

In the mean time I had to maintain at home a 
calmness I surely did not feel. 

To look on those for whom we have regard, 
and to know that there is a heavy stroke of grief 
fast coming on them of which they are as yet 
unconscious, involves the pain with which we 
contemplate the certain victims of a mortal 
malady, as it steals on them unperceived, and feel 
that it soon will be our duty to tell them that 
they are on the brink of the grave. 

On the night of the 29th August, 1848, I was 
at a ball at Plymouth, interested and amused 
with observing the gay revolving groups of 
dancers, when a friend remarked to me, of a fine 
young officer, that he was said to be like my son 
Arthur : the last accounts I had had from the 
Cape of Good Hope were encouraging, so that to 
think of him was a pleasing vein of thought, that 
blended cheerfully with the well-lighted ball¬ 
room, the music, and the dress which enlivened 
the scene. 

Yet at that moment , in a distant colony, my 
son was on his bed of death ! 


262 IGNORANCE OF TIIE FUTURE A BLESSING. 

When tliis coincidence, at the same instant, of 
amusement at home and of sadness abroad, be¬ 
came subsequently known to me, I felt pain, as 
if it argued a want of feeling on my part;—hut 
reflection gave me a different view. If we find 
ourselves disposed to he anxious as to events we 
cannot control, we should consider that we are 
left happily ignorant of the future, that we may 
innocently enjoy the present hour, when no fore¬ 
sight of ours can avert the ills that are to come, 
and that can come only through a Providence 
which knoweth what is best, and to which we 
may always confide the unseen issues of life with¬ 
out fear and anxiety. 

My wife and daughter were overwhelmed by 
the loss of Arthur, their favourite and their pride ; 
but I never witnessed more devoted attachment, 
more pious fortitude, or more humble resignation 
than theirs. 

It may be thought that a sense of obligation 
would readily find words to express itself, but 
experience will refute the opinion ; one never finds 
oneself so silently thankless as when the heart 
is overflowing with gratitude. From the highest 
in the land to the lowest in position, all tendered 
to us that ready sympathy which contributes 
to console and alleviate. But in the greater 
calamities of life it is only the Power which 


SYMPATHY OF NEIGHBOURS. 


263 


creates the pain that can allay the suffering. Yet, 
when I hear the heartlessness of the world talked 
of, I must say that I should lose my memory to 
coincide in that condemnation, or to forget the 
many proofs I received in contradiction of it upon 
the occasion of this heartbreaking loss. 



2G4 


ADVANCE ON BLOEM PLAATS. 



{Copiedfrom the Graham’s Town Journal.'] 
REFERENCES. 

I. Hills occupied by the rebels. 

1111 Advance of troops. 

A. Horse-kraal and gardens of Boomplaats. 

Boors advancing from valley to turn the left flank of troops, 
and approach waggons. 


die TVctfe r 


Kro m-EIltnr Stre a tn 
























LOED FITZEOY SOMERSET’S ANSWER. 


265 


[Received same day.] 

[Private.] 

“ Horse Guards, 

“ My DEAR General, “October 27, 1848. 

“ I have received your letter of tlie 26th, 
and lament to say that I am not able to afford 
you any official information with respect to the 
painful subject to which it relates. 

“ The latest letters received from Sir Harry 
Smith are of the 23rd of August, six days before 
the action, the notice of which was published by 
the Colonial Secretary at the Cape Town about 
the 3rd September. 

“ The form in which the notice is published 
leaves no doubt of its authenticity, and it would 
be cruel to lead you to hope that the fatal intelli¬ 
gence, as regards your poor son, is otherwise than 
true. 

“ I had you in my mind when I perused the 
report in the 4tli edition of the‘Morning Chronicle 5 
the afternoon before the last, and my first inten¬ 
tion was to send the paper to somebody at Devon- 
port to communicate to you, but I felt upon 
reflection that bad news travels fast, and that in 
all probability the evening trains would have 
carried down the papers, and that my interference, 

N 


266 LORD FITZROY SOMERSET’S ANSWER. 

where I could say nothing that was not in print, 
would only be harassing to your feelings, without 
the possibility of diminishing your - anxiety or re¬ 
lieving your anguish. 

“ I know not what to say to you in the shape 
of consolation ; I have indeed none to offer to you 
except what may hereafter afford you some com¬ 
fort, the conviction that poor Captain Murray has 
heroically fallen in the performance of his duty, 
and that due mention will be made of his exer¬ 
tions and devotion to the service in the despatches 
which may daily he expected. 

“ In the mean while it might be expedient to 
prepare Mrs. Murray and your daughter for this 
sad and awful blow by informing them that a 
report has reached you that your son has received 
a dangerous wound. 

“ Truly sympathizing in your affliction, I beg 
you to believe me 

“ Most faithfully yours, 

“ FitzRoy Somerset. 


“ Major-General the Hon . Henry Murray , 
Devonport” 



LETTER FROM LORD F. SOMERSET. 


267 


[Received 8th Nov. 1848.] 

“ Horse Guards, 

“ My dear General, “Nov.7th, 1848. 

“ I have received your letter of the 5th, 
and am very much obliged to you for entering so 
fully into the feelings which have pressed upon 
you since you learnt the sad tidings that have 
reached you from the Cape. 

“ I am glad to hear that poor Mrs. Murray sub¬ 
mits to this heavy misfortune with resignation, 
and I would fain hope that after a time poor Miss 
Gertrude may follow her mother’s example and 
endeavour to relieve herself from the state of 
depression under which her mind is now 
labouring. 

“ Be assured you have all my best wishes, and 
believe me most faithfully yours, 

“ FitzRoy Somerset. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray, 

“ Devonport,” 


[Received 15th Nov. 1848.] 

(i SlR, “ Office of Ordnance, 13th Nov. 1848. 

“ Having submitted to the Master-Gene¬ 
ral and Board of Ordnance your letter of the 6th 

n 2 



268 


PERMISSION TO ERECT A TABLET. 


instant, requesting to be allowed to place a mar¬ 
ble tablet in tbe chapel of the citadel of Ply¬ 
mouth, in memory of your late son, Captain A. S. 
Murray, and it having been ascertained that His 
Grace the Commander-in-Chief has no objection, 
under the circumstances stated in your letter, to 
a compliance with the above request, I have the 
honour, by the Master-General and Board’s com¬ 
mands, to acquaint you that the same has been 
granted. 

“ I have the honour to be, 

“ Sir, 

“ Your most obedient, 

“ humble servant, 

“ A. Byham. 


“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray , C.B., 
Devonport .” 


The Chaplain-General had the great kindness to 
write for me the following beautiful inscription, 
which is placed on the tablet in the chapel of the 
citadel of Plymouth, for at that moment my heart 
was too full to find expression. 


MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTION 


269 


ARTHUR STORMONT MURRAY, 

AGED 28 YEARS, 

SON OF MAJOR-GENERAL THE HONOURABLE HENRY MURRAY, 

AND 

•CAPTAIN IN THE RIFLE BRIGADE, 

DIED A SOLDIER’S DEATH ON THE 30TH OF AUGUST, 1848, 
IN CONSEQUENCE OF WOUNDS RECEIVED 
THE PREVIOUS DAY 

WHILE LEADING AN ATTACK ON THE ENEMY’S POSITION 

AT BLOEM PLAATS, 

IN THE COLONY OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. 

A CAREER WHICH GAVE PROMISE 
TO HIS COUNTRY OF USEFULNESS, TO HIMSELF OF GLORY, 

WAS THUS CUT SHORT. 

BUT THE MEMORY OF THE GOOD AND BRAVE PERISHETH NOT, 
AND THE FRUIT OF A VIRTUOUS LIFE 

SHED EARLY ON EARTH 

% 

COMETH TO PERFECTION IN HEAVEN. 

HIS PARENTS, MOURNING OVER THEIR OWN BEREAVEMENT, 
YET NOT REBELLIOUS AGAINST DIVINE WILL, 

CAUSED THIS TABLET 


TO BE ERECTED 


270 


DEATH OF CAPTAIN MURRAY. 


[Received 25tli Nov. 1848.] 

“ Boom Plaatz, Cape of Good Hope, 

“ Dear Sir, “ 30th Au s ust > 1848 - 

It is my melancholy duty to inform you 
that your son, Captain Murray, of the Rifles, died 
at half-past twelve this morning of wounds which 
he received in action with the enemy yesterday 
afternoon. 

“ He fell bravely, cheering his company on to 
carry an eminence covered with rocks and large 
stones, which was occupied by the enemy in 
force, and the fire from which was galling the 
troops very much. 

“ It may afford you some slight consolation to 
know that medical aid was at hand to afford your 
son immediate assistance, but his wounds were 
of too serious a nature to render it available. 
His left arm was shattered, and he received a 
second wound through the lower part of the 
spine, the ball passing through the belly and 
making its exit a little above the pubis. 

“ It was his wish that I should communicate 
his death to you in the event of his wound proving 
fatal, and that I should write to Mrs. Murray, 
and send her a sealed paper which he left with 
me. I had his remains placed at the foot of a 
peach-tree in the orchard here; and I made out 


DEATH OF CAPTAIN MURRAY. 


271 


an inventory of the few effects he had with him, 
and sent them on to the camp in charge of his 
servant, a trustworthy man, in whom poor 
Captain Murray placed much confidence. 

“ I am, dear Sir, yours very truly, 

“ John Hall, 

“ Deputy Inspector General of Hospitals. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray , 

Commanding Western District .” 


[Received 26th Nov. 1848.] 

“ Camp, Bethany, four days’ march from the Orange River, 

“ My dear Sir, “ Au s ust 30th > 1848 * 

“ Having been on terms of great intimacy 
with your son, Captain Murray, since my arrival 
in the colony, I undertake the painful task of 
communicating to you the unhappy issue of our 
engagement that took place yesterday (our third 
day’s march from the Orange Biver) with about 
1000 rebel Boers. At about twelve o’clock our 
advanced guard was attacked and driven back 
upon the column. Poor Murray led the column 
with his company, which Sir H. Smith imme¬ 
diately ordered to the front in extended order, and, 
on our reaching the crest of a small hill on our 
right, it was assailed by a murderous fire. Poor 



272 


DEATH OF CAPTAIN MURRAY. 


Murray was foremost sword in hand, and, being 
close by bis side, I saw him severely wounded in 
the shoulder. I told some men to take him to 
the rear, but before be could dismount from bis 
horse be received another wound in bis back, 
passing right through bis intestines. 

44 I did not see him after, but our surgeon tells 
me be lingered in much pain till midnight, when 
death put an end to bis sufferings. He was 
perfectly conscious of bis state, and most remark¬ 
ably calm throughout. 

4 4 1 trust you will excuse my having entered 
into detail, and can assure you bis loss is most 
deeply felt by officers and men; be was esteemed 
by all. 

44 Our force consisted of about 800 men, and 
the affair lasted two hours. Eight officers were 
wounded, Colonel Buller severely ; 10 men killed, 
42 wounded. The rebels bad taken up a remark¬ 
ably strong position, which accounts for this loss.* 

44 Believe me, dear Sir, 

44 Yours faithfully, 

44 J. R. Glyn, 

44 Lieutenant Rifle Brigade. 

“ Lieut.-General the Hon. H. Murray , 

Devonport , England .” 


* Authenticated. 


DEATH OF CAPTAIN MURRAY. 273 

[Received 26th Nov. 1848.] 

Cl Camp near Bethany, north of the Orange River, 

“ 31st August, 1848. 

“ My dear General Murray, 

“ To a soldier like yourself I need not say 
we are not permitted to regret the loss of a com¬ 
rade who nobly and gallantly falls in the service 
of his country,—but human nature, more tolerant, 
allows the father to weep over the son. 

“ I do not write to offer consolation,—that can 
be derived alone from the Almighty; but to 
assure you your son fell as becomes the hero, and 
proved himself a most gallant and active officer— 
his loss deeply regretted by the men of his com- 
pany. 

“ This outburst of rebels has caused as smart 
an affair as I ever witnessed. Your son led an 
attack as bold as it was successful under a storm 
of fire in a difficult position, but fell, an honour 
to his father and his country. 

“ God bless and support you, my dear General, 
is the prayer of 

“ Yours faithfully, 

“H T . Smith. 


“ General Hon. H. Murray , 

Commanding , Plymouth .” 


274 


DEATH OF CAPTAIN MURRAY. 


[Received 26th Nov. 1848.] 

“ Graham’s Town, Cape of Good Hope, 

“9 th September, 1848. 

“ It is my painful duty, my dear General, 
to give you and Mrs. Murray the afflicting intel¬ 
ligence of the death of your gallant son. 

“ He was severely wounded in action with the 
troops against the rebel Boers on the 29th of 
August last, and he expired the same night. 

“ I have no particulars of the affair from Sir 
Harry Smith; but it appears that the Boers had 
assembled in great force and attacked the troops, 
who were on the line of march, by a most 
crushing fire : the Rifles were brought up, and 
poor Arthur was wounded while gallantly leading 
on his men. 

“ I cannot offer you consolation, my dear 
General, in this heavy affliction; the hand of the 
Almighty has fallen heavily upon you, but He 
will in His mercy temper this affliction to the 
bereaved parents. 

“ As Colonel Buller was badly wounded, I have 
taken upon myself the painful task of communi¬ 
cating to you these sad tidings. 

“ Mrs. Murray is with the head-quarters of 
the regiment at King William’s Town, to whom 
I have also communicated the sad loss. 


KINDNESS OF SIR H. SOMERSET. 275 

“ My family deeply sympathize with you in 
your deep affliction. 

“ I have requested my son-in-law to break this 
to you, and to soothe the feelings that must so 
severely agonise you upon this sad bereavement. 

“ Believe me to be 
“ Your most faithful and attached, 

“ H. Somerset. 

“ Major-General the Hon. Henry Murray , C.B., 

Commanding , Devonport .” 


Amongst the many kind communications sent 
to me on the death of my son, none were more 
considerately so than the foregoing, and of none 
did I feel more deeply the obligation. 

I may be excused for saying a few words of 
him from whom I received the kindness; having 
lately read a sneer in a newspaper, usually re¬ 
spectable, which detracted from the service of Sir 
Henry Somerset as being of an “ aristocratic 
family.” Not to speak of other brave officers 
who are living to do honour to the name, I think 
that we may appeal to the memory of Lord 
Edward Somerset and of Lord Baglan, and assert 
that happy is the service that can boast of such 
soldiers, aristocratic though they are. 



276 


SERVICES OF SIR H. SOMERSET. 


It happens to be known to me that in 1813, 
on the first occasion that Henry Somerset (then 
almost a lad, and mounted on a little brown mare 
scarcely more than a galloway) was ever engaged, 
he distinguished himself with the 10th Hussars 
in the charge at the successful affair at Morales. 

He served through the Peninsular war from 
that period to its conclusion ; and also in the 
battle and through the campaign of Waterloo. 

He then went to the Cape of Good Hope, 
where he continued with little intermission until 
he went to India. 

Whilst at the Cape he maintained a high re¬ 
putation as an active and brave officer, particu¬ 
larly experienced in the difficult warfare which 
was there carried on. 

To every generous mind his being of a noble 
family, instead of detracting from his merit, adds 
to its lustre ; and we may be assured that, whilst 
members of the aristocracy attach a high value to 
the service of their country, and undergo in it 
dangers and hardships with as brave and untiring 
a spirit as any commoners, they will not, however 
misrepresented, forfeit the respect and gratitude 
which is due to them. 

And now I claim to say a word or two more 
for Henry Somerset. He was a Lieutenant at 
one time under my command in the 18th Hussars, 


CAPTAIN MURRAY’S SWORD. 


277 


and not only did lie show a recollection of this in 
the very kind letter which he wrote to me, but 
from the moment my son arrived at the Cape he 
took a particular interest in him; and it is a 
great satisfaction to me to know that on active 
service, and immediately under the observation of 
Sir Henry Somerset, Arthur had the good fortune 
to obtain the approbation of this distinguished 
officer, who mentioned him favourably in his de¬ 
spatches. 


“ Devonport, 11th July, 1849. 

“ Dear Lord James Murray, 

“After my son Arthur’s death from 
wounds received in action at the Cape of Good 
Hope, a memorandum of his was found, mention¬ 
ing some bequests to relations and friends, and 
one to yourself in the following words:—‘ My 
small staff sword with steel scabbard to my cousin, 
Captain the Hon. James E. P. Murray, as a re¬ 
membrance/ 

“ I send you the sword; and I think it will add 
to the interest you will be disposed to attach to 
it, that I have often seen him wear it, and I 
know that he entertained for you a great regard. 

“ I will not dwell on my misfortune in having 
lost him; but if anything can diminish the weight 



278 


APPLICATION FOP MEDAL. 


of that loss, it is the acknowledged gallantry with 
which he fell. 

“ Your father and I were not only cousins but 
always friends, and when in the Prince of Wales’s 
regiment brother officers; and the occasion of this 
letter proves that our bond of relationship is not 
easily broken. 

“ Yours very faithfully, 

“ IIenry Murray. 


“ Captain Lord James Murray .** 


cc My IjORD DUKE, “ Wimbledon, 30tli January, 1855. 

“ I trust that your Grace will be disposed 
to consider favourably the application which I 
make for the grant of a medal for the Kaffir war 
to my deceased son, for good service in the field; 
and I hope that it will not weaken this ground 
in his behalf, if I add that I have myself a medal 
for the battle of Waterloo, in which I commanded 
the 18th IPussars. 

“ The services of my son, the late Captain 
Arthur Stormont Murray, of the Kille Brigade, 
in the campaign at the Cape of Good Hope of 
1847-8, entitled him to the medal for the Kaffir 
war; but his having been mortally wounded in 
leading an attack against the enemy’s position at 



APPLICATION FOR MEDAL. 279 

Boem Plaats, on the 29th August, 1848, and 
dying of liis wounds next day, has negatived his 
claim to the medal, which is limited to sur¬ 
viving officers and soldiers. 

“ It does seem hard that the reward of a previous 
service should, in this manner, be cancelled by 
the subsequent performance of a greater service, 
simply because that last service terminated fatally 
to the brave young officer who achieved it. 

“ A medal is not a mere personal decoration— 
it is a record of the Sovereign’s gracious recog¬ 
nition of the valour and loyalty of a subject. 
Emanating from so high an authority, it not only 
distinguishes the individual on whom it is con¬ 
ferred, but carries with it a reflected honour to 
his family, in this instance the more precious 
from his meritorious death. 

“ I have the honour to be, 

“ My Lord Duke, 

“ Your Grace’s most obedient humble servant, 

“ Henry Murray, 

“ Lieut.-General. 

“ His Grace the Duke of Newcastle , &c. &c., 

Principal Secretary of State for War.” 


Captain Arthur Murray’s medal was not 
granted: he had earned it by previous service 




280 


REGULATION AS TO MEDALS. 


in the Kaffir war, but forfeited it because be died 
of wounds received in action in leading an attack 
against the insurgent Boers. 

The medal was only for survivors; but no rule 
or regulation could deprive him of the affectionate 
sorrow of bis company; which, though a more 
ephemeral honour than a medal (since many of 
that brave company may, alas ! now have joined 
him by falling themselves in battle), is a more 
real distinction than would have been the post¬ 
humous medal which was refused him, not for 
the limit, but for the extent of his service.* 


6th June , 1858.—In concluding a work of 
which no one can be more sensible than myself 
to the imperfection, I beg to offer a few words of 
excuse. 

Whoever publishes a book places himself justly 
within the range of criticism; there may be this 

«* 

* Since that period the regulation has been changed, so as to 
harmonise better with the generous feelings of our gracious Sovereign ; 
and the grant of medals, &c., is not limited to survivors, but the 
near relatives of officers and soldiers are now allowed, under certain 
restrictions, to receive the decorations of the deceased. For this 
important melioration the service is in a great measure indebted to 
that brave officer and true friend of the army, the Duke of Rich¬ 
mond, who brought the subject under the consideration of the House 
of Lords. 



APOLOGY FOR THIS VOLUME. 281 

reason or that for the imperfection of his work, 
but the public have full right to judge of its merits 
or demerits, and have hut little to do with his 
excuses. 

But I think that I am only assuming the can¬ 
dour which I have observed generally to prevail, 
that a fair excuse is received in a spirit of con¬ 
ciliation. 

It may happen that a work is undertaken and 
that there may he good reasons for its being 
published, and yet that unforeseen circumstances 
have very seriously detracted from its merits and 
usefulness. 

I find myself in this position, and have only 
to throw myself on the candour of my readers. 
Habituated to excellent health for many years, I 
found myself, after the commencement of this 
work, attacked with a serious illness, with which 
I have struggled, through constant and painful 
interruptions, to complete this work. I am really 
sorry that it has so many faults and imperfec¬ 
tions ; but these, under the circumstances, I could 
not help. But I do not think all the pains I 
have taken have been thrown away. 

It is not every man’s fortune to be illustrious, 
to have the means or opportunity of extending an 
enlarged influence of usefulness around him, or of 
raising an example worthy of imitation. But if 


282 


CONCLUSION. 


he has known the great and good, admired their 
virtues whilst living, and tried to follow their 
memory with an humble recollection of them, he 
has not wholly lived in vain—he has not buried 
the talent, or fraction of a talent, which the 
infinite wisdom of his Creator has allotted to 
him; it may have borne little fruit, but some 
fruit it has borne; and in however limited an 
extent it has been useful, it yet has been useful 
without his perceiving it. The seed which has 
taken but little root in his own meagre soil may 
have drifted, by some propitious breath of air, to 
land of nature’s best favour: there the real object 
for which all talents are given will spring up in 
unexpected fertility—the happiness and welfare 
of mankind. 

I do not pretend that Arthur was without 
fault; but I can truly say that his good qualities 
far outweighed those to which there was objec¬ 
tion. Age and experience contribute much to 
the improvement of character where the original 
disposition has been good, and the growing im¬ 
provement in him was evident on service, which 
called his latent energy into action. 

Had time enabled him to develop the abilities 
with which Providence had so liberally endowed 
him, he might eventually have taken his place 
amongst the most celebrated. This consideration, 


CONCLUSION. 


283 


justified by his early promise, embittered his loss 
the more, when it was added to the many tender 
recollections which cling to the memory of a 
favourite son. 

If, however, I have faithfully recorded his 
character, my object has been attained. In him 
I contributed to Her Majesty’s service one likely 
to fulfil his duty with honour; and his history 
may, I hope, excite other youthful spirits to 
emulate his example with better fortune and the 
same loyalty. 






APPENDIX. 


[The following ‘Historical Account of the Battle of 
Leipsic, fought on the 7th September, 1631,’ is a con¬ 
tribution of Arthur’s to the ‘United Service Maga¬ 
zine.’ I was not aware of his having written it until 
very lately; hut it shows the bias of his mind to the 
higher transactions of war, and evinces considerable 
research and reflection.] 


HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 
Fought on the 7th September, 1631. 

The following pages have been compiled with a view 
of giving a true and clear account of the causes which 
influenced the victory of Leipsic, a battle, of which the 
confused accounts given by historians have hitherto 
left but a very imperfect idea. The manoeuvres of the 
Swedish army have been by most misunderstood, and 
the faults of the Imperial general proportionably exag¬ 
gerated, in order to explain the result of the battle. 
After carefully comparing most of the historical ac¬ 
counts with the various plans existing of the action 
(some of them published shortly after the battle itself), 
and transferring the situations of the troops to an accu¬ 
rate survey of the ground, it is to be hoped that some of 
the obscurities of former narratives may be elucidated, 
and that a fragment of military history, so valuable to 
all professional readers, may at length be rendered of 
utility to those who seek in the actions of former great 
Commanders examples calculated to ensure future 





286 


APPENDIX. 


success. Many excuses have to be made for irregu¬ 
larities of style; but if from these materials a correct 
account of events lias been given, the object to which a 
few leisure hours have been devoted has been attained 
by the writer. Should this first attempt at military 
criticism prove successful, it is proposed to publish in 
succession a few detailed fragments of military history, 
choosing, in preference, those from which examples may 
be drawn for the guidance of those whom an active course 
of professional service has not prevented from studying 
their profession in theory as well as practice. 

The great interests which were brought to arbitre- 
ment in the battle fought upon the plain of Breitenfeld, 
the high station and military talents of the two leaders, 
above all, the solemn cause for which the armies con¬ 
tended, has given it historically an importance which 
the lapse of more than two centuries has failed to eradi¬ 
cate. Even in the present time the German Protestant 
looks back with veneration to the period of that great 
struggle, which first established his religious liberty of 
conscience, and for ever broke down the barriers which 
bigotry and superstition had opposed to the progress of 
civilization and improvement. 

By the military student, however, the battle of Leipsic 
must be regarded with additional interest. It most for¬ 
cibly arrests his notice by the various improvements in 
the art of war, displayed equally in the tactical arrange¬ 
ment of troops and in the brilliant manoeuvres by which 
the ultimate success of that victory was attained, which, 
forming in itself almost an epoch in the history of war, 
is nearly the first instance of a battle fought and won 
upon true military principles since the time of the 
Greeks and Romans. 

Previous to entering upon the details of this memo¬ 
rable conflict, it may be proper to examine what was 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


287 


the state of the art of war at the period of which we are 
speaking, and what the description of armies with which 
the struggle was actually made. Thus we shall be better 
enabled to judge of the real progress of improvement 
as shown in the events of the battle itself, and also of 
the disadvantages which the imperfect tactical know¬ 
ledge of the age imposed upon the operations of the 
respective generals. 

During the middle ages that science of war, possessed 
by the ancients in so eminent a degree, had been but 
little understood by their successors; yet they were 
almost the only models chosen for imitation, and the 
invention of gunpowder (great as its effects undoubtedly 
were) had only begun to modify some of the precepts 
which the Greek and Roman tacticians had handed 
down. The Swiss had, in a former period, by their 
brilliant victories, achieved by large masses of pikemen, 
broken the prestige which had so long existed in favour 
of the heavy-armed gens-d’armes, who, to the detriment 
of infantry, had been for many years the most important 
force in the composition of armies. But these heavy 
horsemen had, by a long series of defeats, been com¬ 
pelled to yield the palm to the dense masses of infantry 
by whom they had been so often conquered, and these 
in their turn exercised an influence over the military 
organization of European armies, bringing back the 
tactics of the ancient Macedonian phalanx, with nearly 
the same manoeuvres and depth of formation. As the 
effects of musketry began, however, to be felt, it was 
soon discovered that the masses of pikemen had but 
a poor chance of success when opposed to men provided 
with fire-arms, who mowed down their serried ranks 
before the effect of their formidable charge could be 
felt. It was then imagined that the addition of a 
certain number of musketeers to each battalion of pike- 



288 


APPENDIX. 


men would form the most perfect organization; and by 
this attempt to combine the new force of fire with the 
ancient system of the phalanx, there resulted a kind of 
spurious tactics, not possessing the advantages of the 
modern system of discipline, and still less retaining those 
which that of the ancients possessed unopposed to the de¬ 
vastating effects of gunpowder. In nearly all the armies 
of Europe, therefore, regiments were composed of pike- 
men and musketeers, the tactical arrangement of which 
was such that the movements of the former were more 
clogged than assisted by those of the latter,* who, with the 
ponderous paraphernalia which they carried (of bando¬ 
leers, or charges of powder hanging by strings from their 
belts, fourguettes, or forked rests upon which they leant 
their muskets to discharge them, matches and powder- 
horns), wearing only swords as weapons of defence in 
close action, were always a very unprotected force, and 
required the constant support and assistance of the pike- 
men when the armies came to close engagement. Then 
the latter, who were always protected by defensive 
armour, advanced to what is termed “push of pike,” 
and with the shock of these the affair was decided. 

The Imperial army had the advantage of possessing 
what were supposed to be the best troops of each de¬ 
scription of force. The Spanish arquebusiers were the 
first of that arm who had, with sword and buckler, over¬ 
thrown the Swiss pikemen at Ravenna, and the effect of 
their fire had laid low many a chivalrous member of the 
redoubted French gens-d’armes at Pavia. The German 
lanzknechts, on the other hand, were, after the Swiss, 
the most celebrated pikemen of their day, and had 
often turned the scale of victory upon many a hard- 
fought field. Even the Moslem sabres had turned back 
from the serried masses of these fierce spearmen, whose 

* Vide Markham’s ‘ Souldier’s Accidence ’ (London, 1625), p. 3. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


289 


ranks formed a barrier impenetrable even to their 
fanatic courage. Thus the empire could, from the close 
unison which the sovereignty of Charles Y. had formed 
between Germany and Spain, bring forth the best pike- 
men and musketeers of the day. The cavalry were 
mostly cuirassiers, or horse, wearing the complete 
armour of cuirass, gorget, thigh-pieces or cuisses, 
helmet, and gauntlet. Their weapons were horse-pistols, 
having barrels twenty-six inches in length and carrying 
bullets of thirty-six to the pound, and swords for close 
contest.* Mounted upon large and powerful horses, 
their usual mode of attack was to advance at a trot, and, 
after a volley from their pistols, to fall on sword in 
hand. Some horse regiments carried arquebuses or 
carbines, of three feet three inches in length, and carry¬ 
ing bullets of thirty-six to the pound, and differing little 
from the cuirassiers in their defensive armour, with the 
exception of the helmet, the visor or beaver of which 
was made to let down so as to enable the horseman to 
take a better aim. The wars in the Low Countries had 
brought the gens-d’armes into disuse, and the lance was 
no longer used as a weapon for the heavy cavalry. 
Maurice of Nassau had, during the course of that 
struggle, done so much with his cuirassiers or pistoliers, 
when opposed to the heavy lances, that the system ol 
arming of the former was almost universally adopted, and 
the Imperialists boasted a superiority in their cuirassiers, 
who were (unlike those of our own day) armed from 
head to heel in defensive armour, nearly equal to that 
which their pikemen and arquebusiers were supposed 
to have attained over other infantry. Still the wars in 
the Netherlands had done much towards showing that 
the infantry of some other nations was fully equal to 
that of the Spaniards and Germans when opposed in a 

* Yide Markham, pp. 41, 42, 43. 


0 


290 


APPENDIX. 


fair open field; but although, the victory of Nieuport 
had strengthened this opinion, the course of these cam¬ 
paigns, in which the science of fortification was prin¬ 
cipally called forth, by the number of sieges undertaken, 
gave the idea that it was more by the study of fortified 
positions and choice of camps that the redoubted armies 
of Spain and the Empire were to be successfully op¬ 
posed. 

Besides the description of cavalry above mentioned 
there were also the dragoons, who were properly mounted 
infantry, and used for the purpose of obtaining posses¬ 
sion of important posts, which, having mastered by the 
celerity of their march, they defended by dismounting, 
and acting on foot with their fire-arms. They were 
clothed in buff coats with deep skirts, and wore open 
head-pieces, or helmets, with cheeks, having for offen¬ 
sive weapons the dragon (a short musketoon, of sixteen 
inches in length and full musket-bore) and a sword. 
These were mounted upon smaller horses, but generally 
more active, than those of the heavy cavalry. In the 
Imperial service there were, in addition to the foregoing 
troops, the Croat light horse, who were, in fact, the same 
as the hussars, afterwards so celebrated in the Seven 
Years’ War, composed of Hungarian and Croat peasants, 
dressed in their national costume, and armed with 
lances, sabres, and fire-arms, like the Turkish light horse, 
whom they resembled much in their tactics, charging 
irregularly a la debandade, like the Cossacks of our own 
day. These horsemen, excellent as light troops, tar¬ 
nished their laurels by a cruelty and love of plunder 
equalling that of the most barbarous of the Tartar 
tribes. Still, in a day when plunder was equally the vice 
of the general and the private, they were not, we pre¬ 
sume, worse than their comrades of the regular service. 
The artillery of the period was much more subdivided 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


291 


into different calibres than that of our own time. That 
which appears to have most prevailed in the Imperial 
service w r as heavy, and its disposition in action, when 
once established, could not be altered without consider¬ 
able difficulty. 

The superior officers in the establishment of an army 
of that period were but few in number. The Com- 
mander-in-Chief had under his orders a Lieutenant- 
General, who acted as second in command. The rank 
of Field-Marshal was not then, as now, the highest posi¬ 
tion, but the office, as the name implies, was that of 
arranging the army in order of battle—perhaps more 
resembling a combination of the Adjutant and Quarter¬ 
master-General of modern times. The Sergeant-Major 
della Battaglia appears to have had duties of a similar 
nature; but in some services his power was only exer¬ 
cised over the infantry.* The cavalry, infantry, and 
artillery had each a separate general officer to command 
them; and the Croats in the Imperial service had also a 
general of their own choice. The other officers of rank 
were the Quartermaster-General, Commissary-General, 
and Wachtmeister-General, whose duties do not seem to 
be exactly defined. Under these were the various colonels 
of the regiments ; and it seems that officers of this rank 
were often intrusted with superior commands. Arnheim 
was promoted at once from the rank of colonel to that 
of field-marshal, for the purpose of commanding in 
Pomerania ; and in the battle of which we are about to 
speak, we shall see colonels commanding divisions of the 
Swedish army. 

The Imperial army appears to have been ill paid; 
in fact, the system of payment appears to have been 
to allow the colonels and other officers to enrich 
themselves by plunder and extortion in the various 

* Vide Rohan, ‘ Parfait Capitaine,’ chap. xvii. 

o 2 


292 


APPENDIX. 


countries in which they were quartered; and the pro¬ 
vinces of the refractory princes of the Empire were 
thus frequently overrun with troops of the Imperial 
service, whose irregularities often drove the oppressed 
peasantry into open rebellion against the sovereign 
whose power and name were used to countenance such 
atrocities. 

Having thus given a succinct description of the cha¬ 
racter and arms of the various troops, more especially 
those of the Imperial army, we shall briefly advert to 
their tactics and formation in the field. 

The system hitherto used by the Imperialists was that 
which had been adopted during the wars of the Low 
Countries. The infantry were usually drawn up in large 
solid square bodies, consisting sometimes of one, some¬ 
times of several regiments. These were denominated 
“ Tertias,” from the fact of their having originally formed 
a third of the infantry. The disposition of the pikemen 
and musketeers in each varied according to circum¬ 
stances ; but the pikemen usually occupied the centre, 
and the musketeers the flanks. Sometimes the two 
wings of musketeers were advanced until their rear 
ranks were on the same alignement as the front of the 
pikemen; on other occasions the musketeers were drawn 
up all round the square, of which the pikemen formed 
the centre. In this last case neither force could assist 
the other; for the musketeers, placed in the foremost 
ranks, prevented the pikemen from using their weapons, 
while they were themselves unable to stand the shock of 
either the cavalry or pikemen of the enemy. Some¬ 
times these unwieldy masses were protected at the 
angles by small bodies of musketeers, of about fifty men 
each, who were placed upon the main body like bastions 
on a square fort in modern fortification, or, as the Che¬ 
valier de Folard amusingly observes, “pour servir de 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


293 


satellites a ces Jupiters immobiles.” * In all these for¬ 
mations, when, as frequently happened, they were com¬ 
posed of several regiments, the pikemen and musketeers 
of the respective corps were united together, so that the 
troops of each arm were assembled without regard to 
their respective corps. 

These masses were (as may be easily imagined) not 
sufficiently moveable to change their position with any 
degree of celerity, and their manoeuvres were generally 
confined to the variation of the form of these large 
solid squares into the cross, the hollow square, and 
other similar formations. The numbers of which each 
regiment was composed varied of course according to 
the degree in which it was complete or reduced by 
service; but as we find that they sometimes amounted 
to two or three thousand men, we may suppose that the 
general average was considerable. Occasionally, as we 
shall see in the ensuing pages, two regiments were 
drawn up in the same battalion, when they were weak 
in numbers.f Thus, the modern reader of military his¬ 
tory of this period must be cautious of taking modern 
terms of war as synonymous with their acceptation at 
that time. The cavalry were formed into large solid 
squadrons,^, often each composed of an entire regiment, 
and carrying several standards, each troop, or, as it was 
originally termed, “ cornet,” having one. The Imperial 
cuirassiers, being clothed in complete armour (like those 
who, under Sir Arthur Hasilrigge, acted so conspicuous 
a part in our own civil wars), § had but little to fear from 
cavalry who were less well armed, except in the case 
of being dismounted, when the weight of their armour 

* Folard, ‘ Commentaires sur Polybe/ vol. i.; ‘ Traite de la Colonne.’ 

f Vide ‘ Battle of Leipsic,’ ut infra. 

X Vide Merian’s plan of the battles of Leipsic and Lutzen; Olaf 
Hanson’s plan of the battle of Leipsic. 

§ Vide Clarendon, ‘ History of the Rebellion.’ 


294 


APPENDIX. 


rendered them inactive. Their armour, though very 
complete, was only pistol-proof, as it was not considered 
probable that they would be engaged with troops armed 
with fire-arms of a heavier description. Their tactics 
(as above-mentioned) were to charge at a trot, and, after 
firing their pistols, to charge sword in hand. Some¬ 
times, however, as in the case of the carabineers, they 
fired and wheeled about, and, after retiring a short dis¬ 
tance, again wheeled up to give another volley.* This 
practice, from its similarity to a retreat, often created 
confusion in their own cavalry. 

Such was the discipline in the field of the Imperial 
troops. They were, however, principally composed of 
veteran soldiers, and inured by constant service to every 
hardship; and although their irregular and rapacious 
conduct rendered them an object of dread in their 
various quarters, their gallantry and experience ren¬ 
dered them no less formidable as opponents in the field. 
The Imperial infantry (especially the Walloon regi¬ 
ments, who, being natives of the Low Countries, had, 
in the numerous campaigns of which that country had 
been the theatre, acquired many well-earned laurels 
under Alva, Spinola, and Alexander Farnese) bore 
a high character. The evil of camp followers, form¬ 
ing from their numbers almost a second army, prevailed 
to a great degree in the Imperial army, and probably 
added to the disorders committed by the soldiers by 
their rapacious and lawless excesses. 

Among the other nations of Europe some improve¬ 
ments in tactics and discipline had already commenced. 
Already had Prince Maurice of Nassau introduced many 
considerable changes in those of both cavalry and in¬ 
fantry; and as English, French, and Swiss regiments 
had served under his banner in the gallant struggle of 

* Vide ‘Memoires de MontecuculiKolian, ‘Parfait Capitaine.’ 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


295 


the United Provinces against the despotism of Spain, 
those officers who had fought under Maurice and his 
brother Henry as it were transplanted these improve¬ 
ments into their own countries upon their return. Thus 
we find that the tactics and discipline of the English 
were almost exactly copied from those of the troops of 
the Low Countries. The gallant Prince of Orange had 
modelled his improvements upon a close and judicious 
study of the ancients. Smaller battalions were formed, 
the centre of each of which was formed of pikemen, and 
the two wings of musketeers,—a disposition which sub¬ 
sisted in nearly all the armies of Europe until long 
afterwards, when the invention of the bayonet super¬ 
seded the use of the pike in the infantry. Maurice had 
also materially altered the discipline of the cavalry. 
They were drawn up in small squadrons; the use of 
lances was abandoned, and that of fire-arms generally 
adopted. Taking the Romans for his model, he drew 
up his armies upon several lines, with intervals between 
the battalions and squadrons, and reduced the number 
of ranks in both. Still, though these changes were 
great, much yet remained to be done. The musketeers 
were very slow, and their ponderous and inconvenient 
equipment rendered their fire even slower than their 
movements. We read that their system was to fire by 
ranks at six deep, the front rank moving away by files 
from both flanks, after having made their discharge; 
thus giving room for the succeeding ones to fire, and 
make their retreat in succession for the purpose of 
loading. This must have been a very tedious ma¬ 
noeuvre ; and the use of rests, though it ensured steadi¬ 
ness of aim, must have been very cumbersome. 

It was reserved for Gustavus Adolphus to raise the 
military art from the obscurity in which it had hitherto 
lain, and from which the improvements of Maurice had 


296 


APPENDIX. 


only as yet partially withdrawn the veil. The great 
King of Sweden, upon his first landing in Germany, 
established his army upon principles of discipline and 
organization till then unknown in Europe. Aware that 
a plunderer makes generally but a poor figure in the 
day of battle, he attempted to put a stop to that system 
of marauding which was equally the vice of the highest 
and lowest ranks in an army at that period. The 
doctrine of the Imperialists had always been “ a ragged 
soldier and a bright musket; ” this proverb had been 
constantly in the mouth of their most celebrated general, 
Count Tilly, and little seemed to be cared for the 
clothing or comfort of the soldier in their service. 
Gustavus, on the other hand, by contracting with some 
of the principal towns of Germany for broad-cloth, kept 
his army well clothed, and, in some cases, in dresses of 
a uniform colour. Knowing that the little horses upon 
which his cavalry were mounted were already over¬ 
weighted, he disused much of the cumbrous armour 
worn by the Imperial cuirassiers, and ordered his horse¬ 
men to wear only the helmet, breast and back-plate, 
like the cuirassiers of our own day. Forming several 
regiments of dragoons, who were literally mounted 
infantry, he often, by the most unexpected and rapid 
marches, possessed himself of important posts, which 
the dragoons having obtained by the rapidity of their 
march, defended by dismounting and acting like other 
infantry. He often detached considerable bodies of 
musketeers from the regiments to which they belonged, 
termed, upon these occasions, “ commanded musketeers,” 
who were employed upon various enterprises, sometimes 
being employed in the occupation or attack of posts, 
sometimes in the assault of fortresses, and in the field 
often intermingled with the squadrons of cavalry. These 
were also considerably lightened in their equipment. 


BATTLE OF LEIBSIC, 1631. 


297 


Gustavus was the first inventor of pouches (the car¬ 
tridges having always been previously carried in bando¬ 
leers), and these were generally adopted by his mus¬ 
keteers. He also abolished (by a general order) the 
use of forked rests, to the use of which some of Ins 
officers were still inclined. The depth of files he (like 
Maurice) diminished to six deep, and, joining two regi¬ 
ments together, formed them into a brigade, which, 
when complete, originally consisted of 2016 men; but 
in some cases, when regiments were weak, three or 
more were formed into a brigade. These brigades were 
distinguished by the colour of their ensigns (some say of 
their uniforms), and, according to their first establish¬ 
ment, consisted of 864 pikemen and 1152 musketeers, 
formed, when drawn up in battle array, in the following 
manner:—One-fourth of the pikemen (216 men) was 
advanced to the front, having two other bodies of pike¬ 
men (each also one-fourtli) drawn up in rear, at a short 
distance from it, with an interval between them, oppo¬ 
site which the advanced corps stood. In rear of this 
advanced corps, and occupying the interval above men¬ 
tioned, were placed (in column) two bodies of musketeers 
(96 men each). On the right and left of the two bodies 
of pikemen formed in rear of the first stood two wings 
of musketeers (192 men each), forming the extreme 
flanks of the line. In rear of the centre of this line 
stood another body of 288 musketeers, and in rear of all 
was a battalion (in reserve), of which the remaining 
fourth of pikemen formed the centre, and two corps, of 
144 musketeers each, the right and left wings. Thus 
the brigade, when drawn up, something resembled the 
form of a cross, according to the accompanying dia¬ 
gram.* 


* Vide Lord Rea’s ‘ Delineation of a 
when complete Harte, vol. ii. 


Brigade of Swedish Infantry 


o 3 


298 


APPENDIX, 


A __ t\i\r\ 

am □iii 

lill! Pikemen 


I_ \Miuikeleers 


- 

□ 

□ 


AAA 

[WliMIF 


AJAX 


B 


LJ 


/WJJ\ 


□ 



nil i 

\ \ _ 

1 11 111 I I 




The colours were always with the pikemen, nor did 
the commanded musketeers ever carry them when de¬ 
tached. During the course of the king’s campaigns the 
numbers of these brigades were considerably diminished ; 
and it would appear that Gustavus, probably from want 
of numbers, curtailed the divisions in rear of the line 
A b, bringing the numbers of the brigade down to 1224 
men, and thus making the disposition resemble a column 
supported by a line. It seems, too, that the three re¬ 
maining corps of pikemen were afterwards reduced in 
numbers to 200 each, and the musketeers increased; for 
Sir James Turner, an experienced officer, who had served 
in the Swedish army, mentions a Swedish brigade as 
consisting of “ 1800 men, whereof 1200 were mus¬ 
keteers, and 600 were pikemen,” saying at the same 
time that “many were fewer.”* Probably previous to 
an action brigades were equalized for the purposes of 
manoeuvre, and thus the numbers must have fluctuated 
very much. The evolutions of these bodies seem to 
have puzzled modern military readers; but it would 
appear, from Sir James Turner’s account,! that detach¬ 
ments of musketeers continually advanced to the right 
of the advanced battalion of pikemen, and, having made 
their discharge, retired by the left of it, for the purpose 
of loading, their place being taken by others. “This 
continued till the pikemen came to push of pike with 

* Vide ‘ Pallas Armata,’ pp. 228, 229. 

t Vide ‘ Pallas Armata,’ ut supra. 









BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


299 


the enemy, if both parties stayed so long, as seldom 
they did. Light field-pieces were also attached to the 
corps of pikemen. Indeed, the Swedish artillery seems 
generally to have been of a light calibre. The light 
field-pieces above mentioned were retained in the French 
service until the beginning of the late war, under the 
name of kt pieces Suedoises.” Gustavus had also adopted 
a light species of gun, covered with leather, which was 
extremely easy to move, and was often transported to 
different points of the line during an action. The troops 
of which the Swedish army was composed were of 
various nations—Swedes, English, Scotch, French, and 
Germans. But they were held together by the bonds of 
a system of discipline more perfect than had hitherto 
been known in any European army, and had the most 
implicit reliance on the talents and kindness of their 
royal leader, whose personal heroism imparted a general 
feeling of superiority to the troops under his command. 
Such was the discipline, and such the tactical arrange¬ 
ment, of the Imperial and Swedish armies; and as we 
are about to peruse the details of a battle which was to 
decide upon the respective merits of each, it may be 
advisable to give some idea of the character of the 
Commanders under whose guidance they were about to 
engage. 

In the Imperial service the general whose reputation 
stood the highest, both for valour and military skill, was 
John Iserclaes, Count Tilly, an old Walloon officer, of 
great experience in war. He had been originally edu¬ 
cated by the Jesuits; and although his love of military 
glory made him soon abandon the monastic seclusion of 
a churchman’s life, yet his education left a spirit of 
bigotry and intolerance eminently qualifying him for 
the post of Generalissimo of the Army of the Catholic 
League, whose policy, during the course of that san- 


300 


APPENDIX. 


guinary struggle known by tlie name of the Thirty 
Years’ War, seemed to have for its object the total 
destruction of the reformed religion, and the extirpation 
from the soil of every believer in that faith, from the 
prince to the peasant. A life passed in the field had 
hardened the feelings of Tilly, and the cruel and bar¬ 
barous character of the customs of war at that period 
had led him to consider everything justifiable against 
an enemy that was calculated to subdue and intimidate. 
Still a ray of the high-minded and chivalrous feeling 
that characterised the nobleman of the period shone 
forth through the dark and sanguinary clouds that ob¬ 
scured the character of the veteran general. The most 
implicit reliance co ild be placed upon his word, and the 
honour which had always characterised his conduct as 
an enemy drew forth from his noble opponent, Gustavus, 
the tear of sympathy when his gallant career closed at the 
passage of the Lech. “ Alas ! ” said the king, “ the ho¬ 
nourable old Tilly is no more.” As a general his career 
hitherto had been splendid. He had been present at, and 
victorious in, thirty-five actions. Having lived many 
years of his life with the Spaniards, he had adopted 
their manners and costume, with all the courtly punc¬ 
tilio that characterised the soldier Hidalgo of Old 
Castile.* The Marechal de Grammont found him, when 
at the head of his army on a march, mounted on a little 
Croatian horse, dressed in a green satin doublet with 
slashed sleeves, and loose breeches of the same stuff, a 
small pointed hat, with a red ostrich plume in it, which 
reached down to his waist, wearing for offensive weapons 
his fighting sword, in a belt of two inches breadth fast¬ 
ened round his waist, with a single pistol in one of his 
holsters. Seeing the marechal surprised at his strange 
appearance, he made him the following characteristic 

* Vide Harte’s ‘ History of Gustavus Adolphus,’ Preliminary Essay, &c. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


301 


speecli:—“ Sir, perhaps you may find my accoutrements 
somewhat extraordinary, and not wholly reconcilable 
to the mode of France; nevertheless, ’tis my humour, 
and that is sufficient. I am persuaded, likewise, that 
my little hackney and solitary pistol surprise you as 
much as my habit; but that you may not entertain an 
unfavourable opinion of the Count de Tilly, to whom 
you have done the honour of paying a visit of curiosity, 
permit me to inform you that I have gained seven deci¬ 
sive battles without being obliged to discharge the pistol 
now under consideration; nor hath the little pad in 
question ever failed me, or hesitated in performing his 
duty.” His whole appearance recalled the celebrated 
Duke of Alva, and his subsequent treatment of Magde¬ 
burg showed that he resembled him as much in cha¬ 
racter as in garb and exterior. 

Such was the character and appearance of the Gene¬ 
ralissimo of the Imperial troops. Next to him in rank, 
and almost equally high in reputation, was Godfrey 
Count Pappenheim, who seems to have been the “ Mar- 
cellus” of the Imperial army. Daring, even to the 
verge of rashness, he was always favourable to whatever 
counsel tended to engagement, and a strenuous oppo¬ 
nent of the less brilliant but safer system of occupying 
defensive positions, as a means of protracting the 
struggle. Still his military abilities were of the highest 
order; and if he attempted enterprises which seemed 
rash to ordinary minds, it was because he felt his own 
abilities equal to the emergencies of the task under¬ 
taken. He was said to have an affection for the arts 
and sciences, which the continual course of the wars 
which then desolated Germany did not give him time to 
cultivate. 

Such were the principal commanders of the Imperial 
army. We have omitted Wallenstein, because at the 


302 


APPENDIX. 


period of which we now speak his military career had 
not as yet reached sufficient eminence. 

On the other side, Gustavus Adolphus stood superior 
to any general of his day, not only in the perfect know¬ 
ledge of the tactical minutiae of his profession, but pos¬ 
sessing the rare knowledge of strategy (then almost 
unknown), and whose far-seeing eye at once selected 
the decisive points of the theatre of war, which his 
talents as a tactician and engineer always made him 
master of. Young, ambitious, carelessly reckless of his 
own personal safety while he was careful of the lives of 
others, the King of Sweden was one of those perfect 
heroes who rarely adorn the page of history. As high- 
minded as he was highly-born, Gustavus rose immea¬ 
surably above the petty meannesses which have sullied 
the character of other great men, and seems to have 
excelled almost every hero of ancient or modern times 
in the blameless virtues of his private life. Naturally 
of a warm temperament, he never allowed his anger to 
master his better judgment, and, as a commander, he 
was as wary and cautious as he was personally intrepid 
as a soldier. The course of that great struggle known 
by the name of the Thirty Years’ War had now con¬ 
tinued for many years, success having principally at¬ 
tended the Imperial arms. Gustavus, having at length 
been induced to enter Germany for the purpose of 
aiding the Protestant cause, threw the weight of his 
powerful mind and military talents into the opposite 
scale. He soon became the most formidable adversary 
of the Emperor, and, enraged at the conduct of the Im¬ 
perial general, Tilly, who, in the course of his campaign 
against him, had captured the town of New Brandenburg, 
and put the garrison, consisting principally of Scottish 
troops in Swedish pay, to the sword, Gustavus laid 
siege to Francfort on the Oder, which he obtained pos- 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631, 


303 


session of by storm after a short investment in April, 
1631. Tilly, who had lain in the neighbourhood with 
his army, uncertain whether to raise the siege of Franc- 
fort or to invest Magdeburg, on the news of the capture 
of the former proceeded with the investment of the 
latter. Yain endeavours were made by the King of 
Sweden both with the Electors of Brandenburg and 
Saxony to assist him in marching to the assistance of 
this great town, which, governed by a Protestant prince, 
and occupied by a Protestant garrison, was now threat¬ 
ened by the whole forces of the Catholic League, under 
their formidable commanders Tilly and Pappenlieim. 

Meantime the Protestant princes had, in the month of 
February, 1631, assembled at Leipsic, and drawn up a 
memorial to the Emperor, stating the grievances under 
which they suffered, and dwelling upon the extortions 
of the Imperial commanders in their territories. This 
assembly was dissolved in April, and the Elector of 
Saxony, though he favoured the Protestant interests, 
was so careful not to commit himself with them, that 
his only friendly act was, at the earnest entreaty of the 
king, to permit supplies to pass through his dominions 
to the distressed town of Magdeburg. The Elector of 
Brandenburg had refused to contribute either money 
or troops to join the King of Sweden in raising the 
siege, and Gustavus, though greatly mortified at being 
thus prevented from advancing to its succour (for his 
army was too weak to contend alone with that of the 
Imperialists), was compelled to leave the unfortunate 
city to its fate. That fate was soon decided, for the 
Imperial generals, having in May withdrawn their army 
from before it, and then suddenly returning, commenced 
the assault with great vigour while the garrison were 
unprepared, and by this stratagem carried the town by 
storm. A massacre followed almost unparalleled in bar- 


304 


APPENDIX. 


barity. Neither sex nor age was spared by the infu¬ 
riated soldiers, who committed every species of atrocity 
upon the defenceless inhabitants, who, as well as the 
garrison, were included in the general havoc. To crown 
the whole, the greater part of the unhappy city was 
committed to the flames, and nearly as many lives were 
lost in the fire as by the sword of the enemy. 

Tilly has been censured for not attempting to repress 
the fury of his troops in this memorable storm. But it 
must be remembered that, when once the angry feelings 
of wild troops, such as the Imperial army was composed 
of, are let loose, it is no longer possible for the com¬ 
mander to restrain them. In the wild delirium of vic¬ 
tory which attends the capture of a conquered town, 
the voice of command is no longer hearkened to, and 
the excesses which follow are often in proportion to the 
previous hardships which the troops have undergone. 
It appears, however, but too probable that Tilly (him¬ 
self a bigot in the cause of the Catholic League) made 
but a slight effort, if any, to repress the licence of the 
soldiers, probably considering that the dreadful example 
of the destruction of Magdeburg would be a fearful 
warning to all the Protestant princes, while the terror 
of the Imperial arms would be increased. He is said to 
have applied to the fate of the unhappy city the lines 
of Virgil:— 

Venit summa dies et ineluctable fatum 

•-fuit Ilium et ingens 

Gloria Partlienopes. 

All Germany were horror-struck at this atrocity. 
Gustavus, upon the receipt of the news, moved from 
Berlin, and took the town of Guterbock, in order to 
secure the two bridges over the Elbe of Dessau and Wit- 
temberg. Tilly had committed the error of destroying 
the former bridge, which thus confined his operations to 



BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


305 


one bank of the river. General Banditzen * crossed the 
Elbe, and took Tangermund sword in hand, and this 
conquest put the course of the river still more in the 
power of the King of Sweden. 

On the other hand, the Imperial general had marched 
through the Hartz Forest after the fall of Magdeburg, 
for the purpose of terrifying into subjection the Land¬ 
grave of Hesse Cassel, who had shown signs of disaffec¬ 
tion.']' Pappenlieim, who was left to command on the 
Elbe, made but little head against the Swedes, who con¬ 
tinued their progress upon that river. The Elector of 
Saxony had in the mean time raised an army of 20,000 
men, at the head of whom he placed Marshal Arnheim, 
a pupil of Wallenstein’s and an experienced officer. As 
the Elector had not yet declared his intentions, this new 
force became an object of disquietude to the Imperial 
general, who, giving up his attempt against the Land¬ 
grave of Hesse, returned towards the Elbe. The King 
of Sweden, having assembled his forces, pushed Pappen- 
heim back upon Magdeburg, but, judiciously perceiving 
the necessity of securing a strong position upon the 
Elbe, whence the Imperial generals, if combined, would 
be unable to drive him, he prepared to get possession 
of the angle formed by the confluence of the Elbe and 
Havel at Werben. Bauditzen and Banier accordingly 
took by assault the towns of Havelburg and Werben, 
and, these two points being occupied, the king com¬ 
menced his entrenchments at the latter place, resting 
his flanks upon the rivers Havel and Elbe. Tilly, on 
the other hand, having joined Pappenlieim, attempted 
an attack on the king’s camp at Werben. He was 

* A Swedish general of some reputation. 

f This march was decidedly a false movement in a military point of 
view, for it withdrew the Imperial army from the line of the Elbe, 
which was menaced by the King of Sweden. 


306 


APPENDIX. 


repulsed with great slaughter, and a body of Swedes, 
sallying out of the entrenchments, took the Imperial 
army in flank and rear, and compelled them to retire 
with the loss of 6000 men. After this failure the Im¬ 
perial general attempted to blockade the king in his 
camp, but Gustavus, having the full command of his 
supplies, soon rendered this attempt hopeless. 

Tilly had now received orders from his Government 
to call upon the Elector of Saxony to make common 
cause with the Emperor. In consequence he retired 
from before the camp of Werben, and, being joined by 
Furstemberg at the head of 18,000 men, he summoned 
the Elector to enter into new engagements, and de¬ 
manded a passage over the Elbe at Wittemberg. But 
John George was now fully aware of the intentions of 
the Emperor. He returned a haughty answer to the 
commissioners sent by Tilly to treat with him. The 
Imperial general then lost all patience, and poured his 
troops into Saxony on every side, ravaging the Electorate 
as they advanced, and leaving nothing but ruin and de¬ 
solation to mark their track. It is said that Tilly wrote 
to Vienna to represent the impolicy of the orders he 
had received. It is nevertheless certain that he obeyed 
them to the very letter. 

The unwarrantable invasion of Saxony by the Imperial 
troops having, at length, thrown the Elector into the 
arms of the Protestant cause, Tilly endeavoured to pre¬ 
vent the junction of the Saxon army with the King of 
Sweden (who had made a sudden march upon Wittem¬ 
berg for that purpose from his entrenched camp at 
Werben). In order to effect this object, the Imperial 
general made an effort to possess himself of Torgau, 
and thus secure a passage upon the Elbe; but his 
movement being anticipated by Field-Marshal Arnheim, 
the Saxon commander, he took possession of the towns 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


307 


of Zeitz and Merseburg, and, having invested Leipsic, 
threatened the governor with the same fate as Magde¬ 
burg, in case of a refusal to surrender. After a resist¬ 
ance of about twenty-four hours, in the course of which 
Tilly narrowly escaped being killed by a cannon-shot, 
which, fired from the town, struck an officer riding by 
his side, Leipsic surrendered. Arnheim, meanwhile, had 
been despatched by the Elector of Saxony to Wittem- 
berg, to request in the most urgent manner of the King 
of Sweden to advance to the succour of Leipsic. But 
Gustavus insisted upon the execution of a treaty, as a 
preliminary measure to his giving the assistance re¬ 
quired. The principal stipulations of this treaty were 
“ that the Electoral Prince should serve with his army; 
that Wittemberg should be assigned as a place of retreat 
to the Swedish army in case of failure; and that an 
alliance, offensive and defensive, should be entered into 
by the Elector of Saxony and himself; and that three 
months’ pay should be advanced by the Elector to the 
Swedish troops.” To all of these the Elector agreed, 
adding, Ci that he would himself serve with the army as 
well as his son, and that not only Wittemberg, but the 
whole Electorate, should be open to the Swedes in case 
of defeat.” This negociation being concluded, the 
Swedish army on the 3rd September (the day after the 
ratification of the treaty) crossed the Elbe at Wittem¬ 
berg, and on the 4th joined the Saxons at Diiben. 

The difference between the appearance of the two 
armies on their junction was very striking. The Saxons, 
being newly raised levies, and commanded by officers of 
little experience, were in fact troops upon whom but 
little reliance could be placed in the day of action. 
They were, however, splendid in appearance; the 
officers plumed in an ostentatious manner, and the 
troops in all the brilliancy of new and fantastic uni- 


308 


APPENDIX. 


forms. The Swedes, on the other hand, were mostly 
veterans, inured to the hardships of war; the same old 
bands with whom Gustavus had successfully resisted 
Tilly at Werben, held together by the strictest bonds of 
discipline, and drilled to the highest perfection of which 
the tactics of that period were capable. Having bivou¬ 
acked the night before upon a plain which had been 
recently ploughed, and being covered with the dust of 
an eighteen-mile march (for the weather was dry), they 
seemed clothed in “ one dirty uniform of dark brown.” * 
But we may easily imagine the contrast which these hard 
and weatherbeaten soldiers must have presented to the 
plumed and gaudy recruits which filled the ranks of the 
Saxon army. While at Diiben, Gustavus held a council 
of war, and, having invited the Electors of Saxony and 
Brandenburg to his own apartment, he pointed out to 
them the necessity of drawing Tilly from his advanta¬ 
geous position near Leipsic, and either attacking him 
by surprise or drawing him by dint of manoeuvres into 
open ground, where he might be engaged upon more 
equal terms. 44 For,” said he, “such an ancient and 
prudent general will never sacrifice the flower of the 
Imperial troops and the fair reputation of an uninter¬ 
rupted series of victories for thirteen years past, except 
the necessity be great and urgent; and if he should 
happen to overcome us, you two princes are each of you 
lost beyond redemption.” The Elector of Saxony how¬ 
ever, incensed at the ravaging of his territory and the 
miseries of his subjects, was instant in his recommenda¬ 
tion of an immediate engagement. To this Gustavus 
(whose private opinion is by some supposed to have 
been equally in favour of fighting), after some slight 
objections, consented. The 5th was passed in reviewing 
the combined army, and the same day the town of 

* Vide Harte. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


309 


Leipsic, as we have before mentioned, capitulated to 

Tilly. 

That commander, after the capitulation, had called a 
council-of-war, held at the house of an undertaker in 
Leipsic; a circumstance which appeared ominous to 
many of the Imperial officers at a period when super¬ 
stition was a prevalent error of the age. At this council 
Tilly proposed to remain in a strong position near 
Leipsic (probably in rear of the Partha river, which 
would have covered his front, while his left would have 
rested on the town of Leipsic and the Elster), and there 
await the arrival of General Altringer, who lay at 
Erfurt with a small corps, and had been ordered to 
join the army. Pappenheim, on the other hand, whose 
boiling courage no considerations of prudence could 
check, prevailed upon the veteran general to advance 
towards Breitenfeld, about four miles further to the 
north of Leipsic. It is possible that Tilly was the more 
easily induced to make this forward movement, as he 
was not yet aware of the junction of the Saxon and 
Swedish armies; and being aware of the raw materials of 
which the former was composed, he might hope to over¬ 
come them while unsupported, and thus gain a prepon¬ 
derance in the field. He was now an old man, who had 
nearly numbered his seventieth year, and was no doubt 
unwilling to tarnish the lustre of thirty-six victories by 
an incautious exposure of his army. It is said that 
Pappenheim, when his other arguments had failed, was 
ungenerous enough to hint at the caution of the Gene¬ 
ralissimo as proceeding from want of personal cou¬ 
rage. He had touched the right chord. The brave 
old soldier had one weak point, and it was the chival¬ 
rous feeling which brooked no imputation against his 
honour which induced him to risk, contrary to his own 
opinion, the chance of battle with a young and able 


310 


APPENDIX. 


adversary. He sent a trumpeter to Gustavus challeng¬ 
ing him to a battle “ as a brave cavalier.” The king’s 
answer w r as haughty. “ Friend,” said he, “ tell your 
master I am a king as well as a cavalier, and shall make 
it my business to find him soon; ” adding the remark to 
those of his generals around him, “ That he should ad¬ 
vance with pleasure to make a collision betwixt a crown 
and two electoral bonnets on the one side, and the 
carcase of an old corporal on the other.” Upon the 
intelligence of the fall of Leipsic and the advance of 
the Imperial army to Breitenfeld, the allied Saxon and 
Swedish armies marched on the morning of the 6th 
about twelve miles, and halted in sight of the Imperial 
camp. 

On the approach of the king a fresh debate was 
renewed on the subject of engaging, in the camp of the 
Imperialists. An attempt was made to protect the camp 
at Breitenfeld with some field-works, for Tilly appears 
still to have adhered to his original plan of remaining 
on the defensive. He was supported in this view by 
Schomberg and some of the senior officers. But Pap- 
penheim, being aided by Count Furstemberg (who was 
himself anxious to succeed Tilly in the command-in¬ 
chief), and backed by some of the younger colonels, 
obtained a superiority of influence, which, on the fol¬ 
lowing day, contributed not a little to the result of the 
action. It, however, seems doubtful whether the old 
general differed as entirely from his officers as he pro¬ 
fessed to do, but that he was willing to fight only at his 
ow r n convenience and not by compulsion. 

The plain of Leipsic or Breitenfeld, the name of 
which implies its extent (“broad plain”), extends 
nearly throughout Misnia. Its features are but slightly 
marked, and it is difficult to find any considerable eleva¬ 
tion upon its surface. Even upon a clear day nothing 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


311 


resembling a mountain is to be seen upon the horizon, 
but the whole is slightly undulated. It is celebrated in 
military history from the numerous conflicts of which it 
has been the theatre. A battle was gained upon it by 
Charles Y. over Frederic, Elector of Saxony, and the 
Landgravine of Hesse Cassel, both of which princes 
were captured; and, according to some historians, this 
action was fought upon the same spot of ground on 
which the Imperial camp was now pitched. In a subse¬ 
quent period of the Thirty Years’ War, Leonard Torsten- 
sohn, the Swedish general, defeated Piccolomini and the 
Archduke upon nearly the same ground. In a more 
recent day a severe action was fought very near to the 
scene of former conflicts; and the tactical skill of 
Marmont, and the fiery genius of Blucher, were opposed 
to each other upon the same plain which had been 
already immortalized by Gustavus, in the victory which 
it is our intention now to describe. 

This plain is bounded on the south-west by the Elster, 
into which the Partha flows at the point where the town 
of Leipsic is situated. The course of the latter, after 
proceeding some distance in a north-easterly direction, 
turns suddenly to the westward, and circles round to the 
south-west until it joins the Elster. That river, swelled 
by the Pleisse, which flows into it at about a mile to the 
south of Leipsic, holds its course to the north until it 
reaches that town, and then obliqueing to the north¬ 
west towards Stunditz, after leaving the point of junction 
of the Partha, floors along in a broad course of streams, 
covered with plantations, having the villages of Gohlis, 
Mockern, and Wahren situated successively along its 
right bank. A small stream, called the Eietschhe, 
commencing at Lindenthal, a village about a quarter of 
a mile from Wahren, north of the Elster, where the 
ground forms an elevation, divides the ground formed 


312 


APPENDIX. 


into an angle by the Elster ancl Partha, and being, at 
the villages of Gross and Klein Widderitsch, joined by 
another small source commencing at Lechausen, runs 
almost due south, falling into the Elster nearly at its 
point of junction with the Partha, thus dividing the 
angle almost into two equal jmrts. Two roads pass 
across these sources : one, from Diiben, coming from 
the north-east, crosses that source which comes from 
Lechausen, leaving the two villages of Gross and Klein 
Widderitsch on its right, and entering Leipsic ; the 
other, coming from Delitzsch, passes through the two 
latter villages and continues to Leipsic, keeping the 
stream of the Kietschhe on its right after leaving them. 

A long undulating ridge rises on the northern side of 
the sources above-mentioned, and, beginning at Lin- 
denthal on the left, crosses these roads, running nearly 
east and west, and ending on the right, near Lechausen. 
The fall of the slopes of this ridge is very gradual, but 
it is nearly the most elevated part of the plain. The 
village of Breitenfeld stands on the commencement of 
this ridge, near Lindenthal, where the flank of the hill 
rather falls back; Lechausen stands at the opposite 
extremity. Thus the two sources which commence at 
Lindenthal and Lechausen run almost parallel between 
this height and Leipsic. About a mile to the north of 
the sloping eminence, and crossing the Diiben road, runs 
in an almost parallel direction a small stream, called 
the Lobebacli, upon which are situated the villages of 
Eschelkau and Podelwitz, at the former of which it is 
crossed by a bridge. Thus the allied armies, coming 
from Diiben, would naturally pass across this streamlet 
in moving upon Leipsic. 

The allied Swedish and Saxon armies being now 
bivouacked within a short distance of the Imperial 
camp, Gustavus assembled the generals around him the 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


313 


evening previous to the action, and told them in a few 
words that “ they were to fight with troops to-morrow 
of a different stamp from the Polanders and Cossacks. 
Fellow soldiers,” added he, “ I shall not dissemble the 
danger; you will have a day’s work that is worthy of 
you. It is not my temper to diminish the merit of 
veteran troops like the Imperialists; but I know my 
officers at bottom, and scorn the thoughts of deceiving 
them. I foresee, too, that our numbers will prove 
inferior to those of the enemy ; but, my friends, God is 
just. And remember Magdeburg! ” 

Previous to this spirited address Gustavus had gone 
through the line, and explained carefully to each corps 
the particular duty expected from them on the ensuiug 
day. His orders to the cavalry were to charge the 
enemy without making use of their fire-arms (the only 
sure method to ensure success with that description of 
force), and to those who were without cuirasses he 
recommended to cut with their swords at the heads and 
necks of the enemy’s horses, knowing that the dismounted 
cuirassier would be too much encumbered by his defensive 
armour to make any opposition to them. The troops 
bivouacked, in order of battle, on the plain that night, 
the king passing the night in his carriage, occasionally 
conversing with Horn, Banier, and Teiiffel, three of his 
best officers, who were to command the principal divi¬ 
sions of the army in the approaching engagement. 

Tilly, meanwhile, having notice of the junction of the 
Saxons and Swedes, drew up his army under the high 
undulating ridge of the plain before mentioned, having 
the villages of Breitenfeld, Gross, and Klein Widderitsch, 
and Lindentlial, in rear of his left. His right was 
prolonged in the direction of Lechausen. Both flanks 
were, however, completely en Vair , and none of these 
villages were sufficiently near to afford them any pro- 

P 


314 


APPENDIX. 


tection. His centre, which was slightly convex towards 
the enemy, was formed under the slope of the ridge. 
The stream of the Lobebach, as we have before described, 
ran at about a mile distance in front of the position. It 
is a deep miry brook ; and had the tw r o points of the 
villages of Podelwitz and Zschelkau, with the bridge 
across it, been properly occupied, would have been easily 
defended. In such a case, however, the whole line of 
the Imperial army would have been brought more for¬ 
ward; but the conflicting counsels of Tilly and his 
lieutenants, the former being still desirous of fighting a 
defensive action, while the latter seized every opportu¬ 
nity of bringing on an engagement, probably prevented 
these simple military precautions from being taken. 
The extent of the front of the Imperial line was about 
two miles from right to left; and although the flanks were 
unprotected, the nature of the ground, which was per¬ 
fectly open, prevented any flank movement being made 
by the enemy to turn them, without being easily seen 
and guarded against in time. The road from Diiben to 
Leipsic, crossing the plain, cut through the Imperial 
position nearly at the point of junction of their right 
wing and centre. A little to the right of this, and on 
the opposite slope of the ridge facing towards Leipsic, 
was a small wood, called the Linkelwald, which was 
situated immediately in rear of the Imperial centre. 
The ground being perfectly practicable for troops of all 
arms, the principal advantage of the Imperialists con¬ 
sisted in their being formed in line of battle, with their 
artillery in position; while the Swedes and Saxons, in 
order to take up their ground, had to pass the Lobe by 
the defiles of Podelwitz and Zschelkau. 

Tilly’s order of battle has been variously reported. 
Colonel Mitchell, in his ‘ Life of Wallenstein,’ states 
(though without giving his authority) that his army was 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


315 


“ drawn up in two lines, having some corps in third line 
as a reserve.” This account, if correct, would decidedly 
clear Tilly from the imputation cast upon him by most 
historians, military as well as civil, of having kept no 
second line or reserve ; a fault to which the loss of the 
battle has often been attributed. Still, in all the plans 
representing the battle, some of which were drawn at 
the period, neither reserve nor second line is to be found. 
That by Olaf Hauson, the Swedish engineer, drawn 
under the immediate inspection of Gustavus himself, 
shows no sign of such a disposition. We shall therefore 
adhere to the account given by most historians, who 
seem to agree in the fact of the Imperial army being 
formed in one line, and illustrate our narrative with a 
plan in which the positions of the respective armies have 
been taken from the most authentic plans of the battle, 
and replaced upon an accurate survey of the ground.* 
The Imperial army was thus formed :—the left wing 
consisted of six regiments of Imperial cuirassiers (each 
forming a strong massive squadron), viz., commencing 
from the left, Renconi’s, Merodi’s, New-Saxon, Baum- 
garten’s, Piccolomini’s, and Strozzi’s.*f* These were 
under the command of Pappenheim, and were drawn up 
in a single line without any reserve ; Strozzi’s regiment, 
-which held the right of the line, standing next to the 
Holstein regiment, which formed the extreme length of 
the infantry of the centre4 

* The authorities from whence the accompanying plan has been 
constructed are Merian’s * Plan of the Disposition of the Armies at 
Leipsic a Plan drawn by Olaf Hauson, the Swedish engineer, under 
the inspection of -the King of Sweden himself, and published at the 
time ; the plans in Grimond and Harte; that in Major Kaussler’s 
4 Atlas des Sieges et des Batailles.’ The ground taken from Kaussler, 
compared with the ‘ Survey of the Field of Leipsic ’ by Major Aftu, of 
the Saxon army. 

t Vide Harte’s ‘History of Gustavus Adolphus.’ 

t Merian’s ‘ Plan of the Battle of Leipsic/ 

p 2 





















































BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


317 


This centre was commanded by Tilly himself, and was 
also formed upon a single line. It consisted of fourteen 
battalions of infantry, interlaced with four regiments of 
horse ; each regiment of infantry was formed in a solid 
square battalion, with the pikemen in the centre. Some 
of the regiments, being weak, were joined together in 
the same battalion. They were as follows :—Holstein’s 
regiment was the first on the left, then in succession 
came Cliiesa’s (Walloons), Gala’s, and Furstemberg’s; 
next to these on the right stood Montecuculi’s regiment 
of horse, then Balderon’s and Dietrichstein’s (Wal¬ 
loons) in one battalion, Tilly’s, Coronini’s, and Goetz’s 
(Walloon) ; two regiments of horse (Coloredo’s and 
Emitz’s) stood next, then Cavelli’s, Blancard’s (Walloon), 
and Pappenheim’s regiments of infantry. Harracour 
or Harrach’s regiment of horse was on the right of 
Pappenheim’s, and was followed on its right by Rey- 
nach’s and Comargo’s in one battalion, Wallis’s, and 
Wrangler’s, which last held the right of all the infantry. 

The fact of regiments of horse being intermingled 
with the infantry of the centre is not mentioned by 
Harte in his ‘History of Gustavus Adolphus,’ and in 
the plan accompanying it they are called infantry ; but 
Merian’s original plan, in which (being a drawing in 
perspective) the horse and foot are clearly represented, 
shows them to have been horse. They were, as we have 
mentioned, four in number, and were so disposed as to 
divide Tilly’s infantry into four large brigades or divi¬ 
sions, each consisting of several regiments. Furstemberg, 
at the head of five regiments of cuirassiers, with two 
regiments of Croats and a regiment of reformed dra¬ 
goons (the last forming the extreme right of the Imperial 
line), formed the right wing of the army. They were 
as follows : commencing from the left, Lote Bernstein’s, 
Schomberg’s, Cronenburg’s, Old Saxon, Wingarti’s, two 


318 


APPENDIX. 


regiments of Croats, and the reformed dragoons; 
Bernstein’s, the regiment on the left, stood next to 
Wrangler’s; the infantry regiment on the right of the 
centre. Thus the whole Imperial army formed a single 
extended line, of which, however, both cavalry and 
infantry were formed in deep solid masses. A consider¬ 
able interval separated Blancard’s and Pappenheim’s 
regiments of infantry, and the line was at this point 
crossed by the Diiben road, which, as we have before men¬ 
tioned, divided the field of battle into two parts, running 
nearly at right angles to the Imperial position. Thus 
four battalions of infantry and Harracour’s regiment of 
horse were on the right of this road with Furstemberg, 
although they properly belonged to the centre. The 
artillery was formed in two large batteries; one was 
posted upon the summit of the undulating ridge, under 
which the Imperial centre was formed, and consisted of 
twenty-four heavy guns; the other, consisting of sixteen 
guns, was placed on the Galgen Hiigel, or Gallows Hill, 
on the right of the Diiben road and in rear of Furstem- 
berg’s troops. It was disposed in an oblique position ; 
the right advanced, so as to keep up an enfilading fire 
along the line of the allies when they advanced to the 
attack. The position of this last battery was probably 
where a monument now stands to commemorate the 
victory, and where the ground forms a slight elevation.* 
Both these large batteries were placed in rear of the 
Imperial line; but as their position was more elevated 
than that of the latter, the intention of Tilly was that 
they should fire over their heads. This position of his 
artillery sufficiently proves that the Imperial general 
entertained the idea of fighting a defensive battle, as no 
forward movement of his centre could take place without 
exposing them to the fire of their own guns. A forward 
* Vide Mitchell’s * Life of Wallenstein.’ 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIO, 1631. 


319 


movement of both flanks, however, was practicable, and 
we shall see that this also probably entered into the 
combinations of the generalissimo. The Imperial army 
was about 44,000 strong. 

At nine o’clock on the morning of the memorable 
7th September, 1631 (a day which will long be remem¬ 
bered with gratitude by the Protestants of Germany as 
that upon which freedom of conscience and religious 
liberty were gloriously won for them), the allied Swedish 
and Saxon armies advanced, in two columns, to attack 
the Imperial position. The Swedish army, consisting 
of 7000 cavalry and 8000 infantry, formed the right 
column; the Saxons, consisting of 4000 cavalry and 
11,000 infantry, formed the left. Much obscurity pre¬ 
vails in the accounts of the numerical force of the Allied 
armies. The numbers here given are according to 
Harte; but the order of battle of the Swedish army, 
which he afterwards gives at length, would make them 
much greater. Probably the two armies were, together, 
nearly equal in number to that of the Imperialists. 
The vanguard was composed of one German and two 
Scottish regiments, commanded by Scottish officers, 
viz. Sir John Hamilton, Sir James Ramsay, and Robert 
Monro of Foulis. They passed without much difficulty 
the small stream of the Lobebach, and were scarcely 
crossed when they were assailed by Pappenheim at the 
head of 2000 cuirassiers. This gallant commander, 
whose eagerness to engage seems to have been increased 
by the sight of the enemy, had persuaded Tilly to per¬ 
mit him to observe the enemy with the force above 
mentioned, and to molest them during their passage of 
the Lobebach, though the generalissimo added a strict 
injunction not to risk a general engagement. But 
Pappenheim’s fiery valour was not to be restrained on 
the approach of the Allies. He therefore fell furiously 


320 


APPENDIX. 


upon the Scottish regiments. These gallant troops, 
however, made a stern resistance, and having the 
advantage of the ground, and the support of some 
dragoons, repulsed the attack. Pappenheim set fire to 
the village of Podelwitz, hoping to arrest by this mea¬ 
sure the advance of the allied army. Finding this 
ineffectual, the Imperial commander attempted to turn 
the right flank of the column as it advanced into the 
plain, and, being now reinforced, made another attack. 
He was again repulsed in this attempt by General 
Banier, who wheeled the leading divisions to the right, 
and formed line in that direction, the remainder of the 
army continuing to take up its ground unmolested. 
Foiled in all his attempts, Pappenheim retired towards 
his own army. 

On the first passage of the Lobebach he had sent to 
inform Tilly of the approach of the Allies, who exclaimed, 
turning to those around him, “ Now, my old friends, we 
must look for blows.” Soon afterwards, as the action 
grew warmer, Pappenheim sent to say that, if he was 
not reinforced by 2000 fresh cavalry, he, and two of 
the best regiments in the service, must be either cut 
to pieces or made prisoners. This Tilly, after some 
deliberation, consented to, bidding the Colonel com¬ 
manding the reinforcement inform Pappenheim, “ That 
if he failed to disengage himself, he must expect to be 
tried for his life by a court-martial.” 

Meanwhile, the affair continuing, the Duke of Hol¬ 
stein, whose regiment formed, as we have before said, 
the left of the Imperial line of infantry, advanced (it is 
said without orders) to the assistance of Pappenheim. 
The Imperial cuirassiers, however, on being repulsed by 
Banier, retired so rapidly to their original position in the 
left wing, that the Holstein regiment was left unpro¬ 
tected in the plain. Formed in the unwieldy disposi- 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


321 


tion of a solid square, with the pikemen in the centre, 
surrounded by musketeers, they were but ill prepared 
for defence. Some Finland horse immediately charged 
and cut up the musketeers; the pikemen, thus left to 
themselves, were attacked by some Swedish musketeers, 
and suffered severely by their fire. The Duke of Hol¬ 
stein was killed, and his regiment routed and driven 
back to their own line. 

The defile of Zschelkau being passed, at about ten 
o’clock the two columns proceeded to form themselves 
in order of battle upon the plain opposite to the 
Imperial army. The Swedes formed on the right, the 
Saxons on the left of the road from Diiben to Leipsic, 
which separated thus the line of battle of both the 
Imperial and Allied armies, crossing them nearly at 
right angles to their front. Gustavus, after examining 
Arnheim’s plan of the order of battle of the Saxon 
army, and making a few interlinear remarks upon it 
with his own hand, proceeded with his own disposition, 
leading up each brigade and regiment himself, without 
waiting for the Field-Marshals and Sergeant-Major 
Generals, whose proper office it was to do so. When 
formed, the disposition of the Swedes was as follows:— 
They were drawn up in two lines, the infantry forming 
the centre and the cavalry the wings, having two small 
reserves of cavalry and infantry in rear of the first, and 
one in rear of the second line. The detail of the dis¬ 
position described from right to left was thus:—Two 
squadrons of Finland horse (400 each) held the right 
of the first line, facing Pappenheim’s left wing: next 
were placed 180 musketeers of Banier’s regiment, and 
on their left three squadrons of Todt’s regiment of horse 
(each 400 strong), 180 more musketeers of Banier’s, 
and on their left 800 West Gothland horse : 180 more 
of Banier’s musketeers stood next; then 800 horse of 


322 


APPENDIX. 


Steinbock’s (Smalanders), 180 musketeers of Halle’s, 
and 400 East Gothland cavalry, which closed the left of 
the right wing, standing next to the infantry of the 
centre. This was composed of four brigades, which 
were as follows :—Lily’s brigade was on the right, then 
in succession Teiiffei’s brigade of guards, Halle’s, and 
Wincle’s, which last was on the left of the centre of 
infantry. Each of these brigades was drawn up alike. 
One-tliird of the pikemen was advanced to the front of 
the centre of the brigade ; two small bodies of mus¬ 
keteers (96 each) stood in column behind it. On the 
right and left of the rear division of musketeers were 
formed the remaining two-thirds of the pikemen. The 
remainder of the musketeers of the brigade were divided 
equally on the extreme right and left of these two 
wings of pikemen. Thus the disposition of each brigade 
resembled a column supported by a line. Every 
division, both pikemen and musketeers, was formed six 
deep, but the numbers cannot with certainty be ascer¬ 
tained. Each of the three battalions of pikemen was 
about 216 strong; but, as we have already seen, there 
was a large number of commanded musketeers mingled 
with the cavalry, so that few remained with the pike¬ 
men. The four brigades of the centre stood upon the 
same alignement, so that the general appearance of the 
Swedish centre was that of four columns supported by 
a line. The greater part of the artillery was placed in 
battery in front of this centre. Two guns were in front 
of the right wing of cavalry, and two in front of the 
left. Colonel Teiiffel commanded the centre of infantry. 
The left wing of cavalry was formed in the same 
manner as the right. Next Wincle’s brigade, which 
stood on the left of the centre, was formed Horn’s 
regiment of cavalry, in a single squadron of 200 strong; 
on their left another, of Coilembach’s horse, of 500; 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


323 


then 3G0 commanded musketeers, another squadron of 
Collembach’s, of 500, with 280 of Oxenstein’s mus¬ 
keteers on their left. Next came Bauditzen’s regiment 
of horse, divided into three squadrons of 300 each, 
having two divisions of Erichuisen’s musketeers of 300 
each in the intervals. The left squadron of Bauditzen’s 
closed the left of the Swedish first line, and nearly- 
rested upon the road from Diiben to Leipsic, which 
divided the Swedish army from the Saxons. The left 
wing of the Swedish cavalry of the first line was com¬ 
manded by Field-Marshal Gustavus Horn, an experi¬ 
enced and able officer, to whose judicious and able 
conduct the king always attributed the success of the 
action afterwards. Two small reserves were formed 
in rear of this first line of battle. One, which was 
directly in rear of the centre, behind the brigades of 
the guards and Halle’s, was drawn up as follows in one 
line from the right:—350 musketeers of Ramsay’s, on 
their left a squadron of 500 of the king’s own regiment 
of horse, 400 of Monro’s musketeers, another squadron 
of 500 of the king’s horse, and 360 of Hamilton’s mus¬ 
keteers. The other, which was formed on the same 
alignement, but considerably further to the right, and 
acting as a reserve to the right wing of the first line, 
consisted of three squadrons of the Rhingrave’s regi¬ 
ment of horse, each 400 strong, under the command of 
General Banier. They were formed, at large intervals, 
in rear of Todt’s and the West Gothland regiments, so 
as to admit of the first line (if pressed) falling back 
through them without confusion. A battery of six guns 
was placed in rear of the central reserve we have men¬ 
tioned—the first instance known in military history of a 
reserve of artillery. 

The second line of the Swedish army was thus dis¬ 
posed :—The right wing consisted of four large squadrons 


324 


APPENDIX. 


(iii rear of the Rh ingrave’s regiment of horse), forming 
four regiments, from the right, as follows: 400 Livonian 
horse, 400 Courland, 300 of Damitz’s, and 400 of 
Sperreuter’s; these were commanded by General Bau- 
ditzen, and were formed with large intervals between 
the squadrons. The centre of the second line consisted 
of three brigades of infantry, formed in every respect 
like those in the first line. The right brigade was com¬ 
posed of Halle’s, Walstein’s, and Thurn’s regiments of 
infantry; the centre one, of Damitz’s, Hepburn’s, and 
some others; the left, of Mitzoul’s, Vitzdum’s, and 
Ruthven’s. These three brigades were principally Scot¬ 
tish and English troops, and were commanded by Hep¬ 
burn, a Scottish Colonel of high reputation. Colonel 
Halle, at the head of two squadrons of his own regiment 
of horse, of 600 men each, having on their left one 
squadron, of 400 men, of Courville’s, formed the left 
wing of the second line. Two strong squadrons, of 500 
horse each, being the regiments of Schafman and 
Cochtitzky,* formed the reserve of the whole army, and 
were posted in rear of Hepburn’s three brigades of 
infantry, and in front of the village of Podelwitz, which 
lay behind the Swedish army. 

This disposition being completed, the king rode up 
and down the lines, calling out to the soldiers to ask 
“If they felt disposed for a hard day’s service?” He 
was answered with loud “ vivas ” from the whole of the 
lines. His dress on this memorable occasion was a 
plain suit of grey cloth, and he wore a green plume in 
his hat, and rode a flea-bitten grey charger. He was 
unprotected by defensive armour, but reserved to him¬ 
self the post of honour at the head of the right wing of 
cavalry, which he intended to lead in person to the 
charge. The soldiers of the Swedish army wore green 


* Vide Merian’s Plan. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


325 


boughs in their hats and helmets, in order to distinguish 
them. Tilly’s, on the other hand, wore white ribands in 
their hats and around their right arms. It is singular 
enough that in modern times these badges have been 
reversed in the two services; the Austrian General 
wearing a green plume in his hat, while the soldiers of 
that army continue to wear green branches in their 
caps during war. The Swedes, on the other hand, wear 
a white band on the arm, and this badge is actually 
called in French a “Suedoise.”* The war-cry of the 
Swedes was “ God with us!” that of the Imperialists, 
“Jesus Maria!”—a war-cry that had last been heard 
amid the falling roofs of the doomed city of Magdeburg, 
and the cries for mercy of its defenceless inhabitants. 

To the left of the road from Diiben to Leipsic, which 
separated them from the Swedes, the Saxons were 
drawn up in two lines. On nearly the same alignement 
as the Swedish first line, was placed a squadron of 400 
horse of the Elector’s regiment; this was supported, at 
a short distance, by two other squadrons, so placed that 
the advanced one before mentioned stood in front of the 
interval between them; these consisted of 400 each, 
and belonged to the regiment of Saxe Altenburg. 
These three squadrons formed the right wing of the 
Saxon first line. The centre of infantry of the first 
line consisted of three regiments, and was advanced in 
echelons from the centre: the leading echelon was a 
battalion of Loser’s regiment, 700 strong, supported on 
the right and left by the regiments of Glitzingen and 
Schwalbach. These two regiments were each subdivided 
into two small battalions, of 350 each, the inward ones 
being the most advanced echelons. The left wing con¬ 
sisted of three squadrons, of 400 horse each, formed like 
the right wing, the advanced one being a squadron of 

* From the communication of a distinguished officer. 


326 


APPENDIX. 


Bindauf s, supported by another of the same regiment 
and one of provincial gentlemen. The left squadron of 
Bindauf’s was directly opposite to Wingarti’s regiment 
of Imperial cavalry, which, with the Croats and dra¬ 
goons, held the right of Tilly’s line.* The second line 
of the Saxons, which differed from the first in being all 
formed upon one alignement, was composed of the fol¬ 
lowing troops:—Two squadrons of the Electoral regi¬ 
ment of horse, 400 each, were on the right, next to the 
high road ; on their left a squadron of provincial gen¬ 
tlemen. Then the centre of infantry from the right as 
follows :—Starchedel’s regiment, divided into two small 
battalions, of 350 each; the Electoral regiment, in one 
battalion of 600 foot; and on their left Arnheim’s regi¬ 
ment, in two small battalions. The left wing of the 
second line consisted of three squadrons, viz. one of 
Arnheim’s, next to the infantry regiment of that name; 
and two of Steinau’s, terminating the extreme left of 
the line. A small eminence lay between the first and 
second lines, nearly in rear of Loser’s regiment, which 
formed the most advanced echelon. Upon this the 
Saxon artillery was posted, consisting of six guns. 
Field-Marshal Arnheim took command of the first line 
of the Saxon army; the Elector in person commanded 
the second.t As Arnheim had served most of his time 
in the Imperial army, and was a sort of pupil of 
Wallenstein’s, he had retained their system of tactics in 
the formation of his battalions and squadrons, contrary 
to the wishes of Gustavus, who, though he disapproved, 
could not alter the disposition. The battalions were 
accordingly heavy masses, with the pikemen forming 
the centre of each. The cavalry were also formed in 

* The village of Gobschelwitz lay in rear of the left wing of the 
Saxon army. It is written Getschlitz in the old plans. 

t Harte’s Plan; Merian’s ditto. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


327 


deep and unwieldy squadrons. Gustavus, rightly judg¬ 
ing that the Saxons would make but a slight resistance 
(being mostly raw inexperienced levies), had separated 
them altogether from his own army, and availed himself 
of the high-road from Diiben to Leipsic, which is in part 
hollow, and flanked with hedges, as a flank to cover his 
army, should they be deserted by their allies. The 
plain had been recently ploughed, and the clouds of 
dust which, as the weather was dry, obscured the field, 
gave Tilly, who had the advantage of the sun and wind, 
a great superiority over the Allied troops. 

The armies being now formed, a heavy cannonade of 
two hours’ duration commenced the engagement. Tilly 
rather prided himself upon the excellence of his 
artillery, and it certainly appears to have had the 
advantage of weight of metal. But the light field- 
pieces of the Swedes, which were easily shifted from one 
point to another, and which had been formed under the 
orders of the king himself, enabled a greater concentra¬ 
tion of fire to be brought upon any important point, 
and therefore gave, by the rapidity of their movement, 
a superiority upon many points, which the Imperialists 
only possessed upon one or two. Some of the field- 
pieces were made of leather* prepared in a particular 
manner, and these, from their lightness, were easily 
moved in any direction, and loaded and discharged 
with great rapidity. Tilly, indeed, in the letter which 
he wrote to a friend, giving an account of the action, 

* We have stated the fact as it has been transmitted by historians. 
It must be a matter of doubt, however, whether they were actually 
made of that material. Most likely they were made of some thin 
metal, and then covered with leather, which caused the error of their 
being supposed to be entirely constructed of that material. At Malta 
there is in the Knights’ Armoury a gun used by the Turks during the 
siege. This is a thin cylinder of metal, surrounded by rope coiled 
firmly round it, and glued together. This last was again covered by 
either leather or thin metal. 


328 


APPENDIX. 


attributes tlie loss of the battle to the “ unremitting fire 
of the enemy’s artillery.” Monro, who was present, and 
a colonel in the Swedish service, states that the Imperial 
army exceeded that of the Allies by ten or twelve thou¬ 
sand men. We should, however, hardly think that their 
superiority could have been so much. In Tilly’s own 
letter, above quoted, he says that inferiority of numbers 
was one cause of his defeat; and we should hardly 
suspect so high-minded a soldier of an attempt to pervert 
the truth. Both armies were, in fact, nearly equal in 
numbers, but half that of the Allies being composed of 
the Saxons, upon whom little reliance could be placed, 
gave the superiority, in fact, to the Imperialists, who 
were nearly all veteran troojDs, whom a long series of 
victories had accustomed to conquest. 

The cannonade having now continued until twelve 
o’clock at noon, the left wing of the Imperialists’ cavalry, 
under the command of Pappenheim, fell furiously upon 
the Swedish right, headed by the king in person. Some 
writers state that the king commenced this attack with 
his right wing, probably as a preparatory movement to 
obliqueing to his right, in order to avoid the clouds of 
dust which, as the wind was westerly, blew in the faces 
of the Swedes as they advanced from the eastward (by 
the Diiben road). This movement in a northerly direc¬ 
tion would gradually, if prolonged to the westward, not 
only have brought the dust and smoke in the faces of 
the Imperialists, if they changed their front to face the 
Swedes, but would eventually have turned their left 
flank. It is therefore probable that Pappenheim, whose 
left extended beyond the Swedish right, fell upon them 
when he perceived the flank march in question. Certain 
it is, that between the Swedish right and the Imperial 
left the first onset commenced. A desperate struggle 
followed. The heavy fire of the musketeers, intermingled 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


329 


at intervals along the line of Swedish cavalry, who, as 
they carried no colours, were not discovered by the 
Imperial generals until the effect of their muskets was 
severely felt, much discomposed the Imperial cuiras¬ 
siers, whose armour was only pistol-proof. Many were 
dismounted by this fire, and thus rendered useless for 
the remainder of the action, for, as usual, the musketry 
took effect more on the horses than the riders, the weight 
of wdiose armour rendered them perfectly inactive w r hen 
dismounted. Pappenheim, whose line (as we have 
before mentioned) extended beyond the right of the 
Swedes, wheeled the three left regiments of cuirassiers 
upon the king’s right flank. Bauditzen, with liis four 
regiments of the right wing of the second line, changed 
front to the right, to oppose these troops, and, forming 
en potence to the first line, engaged the Imperialists 
closely. Banier, meanwhile, who at the head of the three 
squadrons of the Khingrave’s regiment, had aided the 
king to repel Pappenheim’s front attack, and had also 
cut up a corps of Imperial infantry (who, coming from 
the left of the Imperial centre, had penetrated between 
the Swedish right wing and Lily’s brigade, which formed 
the right of their centre of infantry), seeing the change 
of front of Bauditzen’s line, changed also his front to the 
right, so as to form in second line to that general. Two 
attacks of Pappenheim’s were successively repulsed. In 
the third, however, the Swedes were thrown into some 
confusion ; and as the cuirassiers rallied more quickly 
than their opponents could follow up their success, it 
was only by a timely assistance that Banier, supporting 
with his small reserve, managed to beat oft 1 the enemy. 
Gassion, a young French volunteer serving in the 
Swedish army (who afterwards materially contributed 
to the success of Conde at Rocroi, and rose at an early 
age to the rank of Marshal of France), actually crossed 


330 


APPENDIX. 


swords with Pappenheim in this desperate charge. After 
an ineffectual show of desperate valour the Imperial 
horse, overwhelmed by a continued storm of bullets 
from the musketeers, and boldly charged by thd Swedish 
cavalry, headed by Gustavus, Banier, and Bauditzen, 
were repulsed and thrown into confusion. Pappenheim 
did all that personal gallantry and desperate valour 
could effect, and is said to have slain fifteen men with 
his own hand. Four times did he after this attack rally 
his horsemen, and lead them on to the charge, and four 
times were they repelled by the steadiness of the Swedish 
cavalry, and the heavy fire of their musketeers. 

About a quarter of an hour after the first attack of 
tliis desperate conflict, Count Furstemberg (encouraged 
by the representations of an old colonel, who threatened 
to commence the battle with his own regiment if per¬ 
mission w r as not granted for the attack), led his right 
wing of Imperial horse against the Saxons. The pro¬ 
vincial horse in the right wing of that army, seeing 
before them those dreaded veterans who had been for 
so many years the terror of Germany, wavered, and 
eventually turned and fled. Tilly, seeing the moment 
of success, sent some of the infantry regiments to support 
this attack. The effect was instantaneous, and the 
whole Saxon army, with the exception of the Elector’s 
own regiment and one other, fled in the utmost con¬ 
fusion, plundering their own baggage in their flight. 
The Elector was one of the first to fly, and rode to 
Giilenburg, a town about ten miles distant, where he 
arrived in the full conviction that the battle w r as irre¬ 
trievably lost, and in great depression of spirits. The 
Imperial right wing rushed tumultuously in pursuit of 
the flying Saxons, fancying the victoiy already gained. 
The veteran Commander-in-Chief was, however, far from 
thinking the success complete while the Sw r edes remained 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


331 


unbroken. “ Turn back, my comrades,” cried lie to the 
pursuers; “ let us beat the Swedes, and the empire is 
our own.” But although Tilly used every exertion to 
recall his right, he was only partially obeyed. Furstem- 
berg with the Italian cavalry, and Cronenburg with 
his regiment of “ invincible ” cuirassiers, checked their 
career, and wheeled up to take the Swedish left in 
flank and rear, but many still continued to pursue, and 
would not return at the call of their general. Mean¬ 
while, Marshal Arnheim, the Saxon commander, having 
rallied two regiments, and put them under the command 
of Horn (who led the Swedish left wing), galloped away 
to the right to inform the king of the desertion of his 
army, and the consequent danger of the Swedish left. 
Gustavus, having already repulsed Pappenheim, gave 
over the command of the cavalry of the right to Banier, 
whose gallant conduct had already contributed so much 
to the success in that quarter, and proceeded to the left, 
where his presence was, by the flight of the Saxons, now 
urgently required. On his way along the rear of the 
first line he cheerfully called out to the troops, “ Alegra- 
mente, alegramente! my soldiers,” and was answered 
by loud cheers, and cries of “ Yivat! Vivat! ” as he 
rode along. He sent orders to Teuffel, who commanded 
the centre, to lead it against that of the Imperialists, 
but that officer was killed while listening to the king’s 
message, and the attack did not then take place. The 
regiment of West Gothland cavalry was detached from 
the right wing (now victorious over Pappenheim), to 
assist the left, which was menaced by all the forces that 
Tilly could find disposable.. The Imperial centre of 
infantry, however, did not advance, but remained fast in 
their original position, not liking to risk an attack upon 
the Swedish infantry under Teuffel, protected as it was 
with an immense line of field-artillery. On the king’s 


332 


APPENDIX. 


arrival at his left wing, he found that Marshal Horn had 
already taken every military precaution to remedy the 
disaster of the left flank being unprotected. Upon the 
flight of the Saxons this able officer had ordered the 
whole of the infantry and the left wing of the cavalry 
of the second line, under the command of Hepburn and 
Halle, to change front to the left, en potence, resting 
their right upon the left squadron of Bauditzen’s regi¬ 
ment of horse, which formed, as we have before men¬ 
tioned, the extreme left of the Swedish first line. This 
new position of the second line was in rear of, and 
nearly parallel to, the Duben road, but was more 
oblique than perpendicular to the front of the first line. 
Schafman and Coclititzky’s regiments, hitherto stationed 
in reserve, conformed to the movement, and were sta¬ 
tioned in rear of the centre of this new line, behind 
Hepburn’s brigades of infantry. The relics of the Saxon 
troops were rallied on the left of the new line. The 
small reserve of cavalry and musketeers in rear of the 
first line stood fast. The Imperialists, on the other 
hand, tried gallantly to follow up their advantage. The 
Swedish left wing of cavalry, of the first line, was furi¬ 
ously attacked by Imperial horse. Meanwhile Furstem- 
berg, Cronenburg, and Schomberg, with all the forces 
they could collect, fiercely attacked Hepburn and Halle. 
The latter was killed, bravely leading on his cavalry to 
the charge. Courville, while heading his own corps, 
received a wound from a musket-ball, which glanced 
across the forehead, and, blinded by the blood which 
streamed into his eyes, mistook the enemy for his own 
troops, and was made prisoner. Hepburn at the same 
time gallantly led on his three brigades of infantry. 
The brave Scots, firing by two or three ranks at a time 
over each others’ heads, fell on with the stocks of their 
muskets, and soon threw the unwieldy masses of Impe- 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


333 


rialists into disorder. Gustavus, having arrived from the 
right in rear of Collembach’s regiment in the left wing 
of the Swedish first line, seeing them giving ground, 
called out to their Colonel, “ Collembach, charge, man, 
in God’s name! Charge, man, in God’s name ! ” He 
was instantly obeyed; and the regiment, returning to 
their duty, charged home, Collembach himself falling 
by the fire of the enemy. But the danger was over, and 
the Imperial horse were driven back. Desperate, mean¬ 
time, was the conflict between Hepburn and the Imperial 
right wing. The latter, forming themselves into deep 
masses, rushed furiously against the Scottish regiments, 
some arriving from the pursuit of the Saxons, some 
advancing from where they had stood in the original 
line, while Tilly himself, joining the gallantry of the 
soldier to the influence of the commander, led forward 
his troops with impetuosity, encouraging them to the 
victory. He well knew that Hepburn’s troops formed 
the only barrier which remained to his success, and that, 
these once broken, the Swedish first line would be 
attacked in front, flank, and rear, and could not escape 
a total defeat. The King of Sweden, who had now 
arrived in rear of Hepburn’s infantry, observing large 
masses of troops advancing, which the clouds of dust 
prevented his distinguishing clearly, and which some 
of his attendants mistook for Swedes, rode forward to 
reconnoitre them. He soon returned, and said, “ They 
are Imperialists. I have discovered the Burgundian 
Cross among their ensigns.” Having thus spoken, he 
put the troops in order to receive the attack. The 
struggle was hard and well contested; but the gallantry 
of the Scottish carried all before it, and the disordered 
tertias of the enemy, after a vain effort, began to break 
their ranks and fly. 

The critical moment of the battle had now arrived, 


334 


APPENDIX. 


and Gustavus Adolphus, seeing it with the eye of a con¬ 
queror, instantly seized the advantage. The victorious 
attack of the Imperial right was now checked by Hep¬ 
burn. At the same time, Banier, having forced back 
their left wing under Pappenlieim, had advanced about 
half-way towards the village of Klein Widderitsch, 
while the two centres still remained facing each other, 
without engaging more than by a distant cannonade. 
Victorious on the right and left, Gustavus now ordered 
his centre to advance against that of the Imperialists. 
It was now a few minutes past four o’clock, when the 
advance commenced along the whole line. The king’s 
intention was now, by a general attack on all sides, 
to overwhelm the centre of the Imperial army, now 
deserted by the two wings. But this centre was com¬ 
posed in a great measure of regiments who had long 
been inured to victory, and were not prepared to sur¬ 
render their hard-earned laurels without an effort. The 
Walloon regiments in particular, viz. those of Balderon 
and Dietrichstein, Chiesa, Goetz, and Blancard, who had 
gradually closed to their centre, upon the advance of 
those troops which had originally separated them, in the 
line of battle, made a stout resistance, unwilling to 
abandon their veteran commander, who had now placed 
himself at their head, and, added to the high reputa¬ 
tion he possessed, was their own countryman, and had 
often led them to victory. Stern was the conflict that 
ensued. Tilly was determined to have a last struggle 
for the victory; and the recollection of his former re¬ 
nown roused the old General to the utmost exertions, 
in which he was well supported by his veteran regi¬ 
ments. But the advance of the Swedish line, which 
appears to have gradually commenced from the right, 
made them masters, after a hard struggle, of part of the 
Imperial artillery,—a conquest which was instantly 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


335 


turned to advantage. The guns were turned upon the 
Imperial infantry, and the shot, ploughing up their ranks 
in a flanking direction, at length brought these hitherto 
invincible troops into disorder. 

The evening was now coming on, and the waning 
light, added to the thick clouds of smoke and dust which 
hung over the field of battle, caused considerable ob¬ 
scurity. The narratives, therefore, of most eye-witnesses 
are but doubtful respecting the events of this period of 
the action. It appears, however, that the king, now 
bringing up all his disposable forces, attacked the Im¬ 
perial centre in front and flanks. But the brave Wal¬ 
loons, closing together in firm and compact order, retired 
slowly and silently from the first field of battle which 
they had not left as victors. Cronenburg, with his re¬ 
giment of Invincibles, retired steadily from the action, 
and joined the regiments of Walloon infantry. These 
gallant soldiers fought with desperation, refusing all 
offers of quarter, and often continuing to resist when on 
the ground and almost disabled. The sight of these 
brave troops submitting with patience to the slaughter, 
and crushed by overpowering numbers, drew tears from 
their veteran Commander-in-Chief, who remained with 
them to the last, and had a narrow escape of death or 
capture. He had been distinguished throughout the 
day by his personal bravery, and was twice wounded. 
A Swedish Captain of the Bhingrave’s regiment of 
horse, known by the name of Lang Fritz, from his great 
height, fired a pistol at him, after having offered him 
quarter, which he refused ; the bullet not taking effect, 
Lang Fritz struck the aged General a violent blow on 
the neck with the butt-end, and would soon have over¬ 
powered him, had not Rodolph, Duke of Saxe Lauen- 
burg, galloped to his assistance, and shot the Swedish 
Captain through the head with his pistol. Under cover 


336 


APPENDIX. 


of the increasing darkness the brave Walloons, whose 
numbers were now reduced to only 600 men, retired to 
the small wood in rear of the centre. Cronenburg, 
with the remnants of his cuirassier regiment, and the 
Walloons, covered the retreat of the veteran Generalis¬ 
simo, who now, finding the battle irretrievably lost, and 
suffering great torment from his wounds, quitted the 
field ; Furstemberg, who was severely wounded, accom¬ 
panied him in a carriage ; Schomberg’s cuirassiers fol¬ 
lowed the same direction; and Halle was given as the 
point on which to retire. 

While the rest of the Imperial army fled in disorder, 
sixteen troops of horse had rallied and formed between 
the field of battle and the town of Leipsic; but they 
could find no officer of rank to command them. At 
length they were cheered by the sudden appearance of 
Pappenheim, who, mounting a fresh horse, led them 
again to the charge. But their effort was but feeble; 
and seeing that any further attempt w r as useless, their 
gallant leader retired with them, under cloud of night, 
upon Halle, having made every exertion to gain the 
day. 

Few battles indeed have been more stoutly contested 
than that of Leipsic. The battle itself, independent of 
the two hours’ cannonade and the pursuit, lasted about 
four hours and a half: 7000 Imperialists lay dead upon 
the field of battle ; more than 5000 were wounded or 
taken prisoners. The camp, artillery, and baggage of 
the vanquished became the spoil of the victors. More 
than a hundred standards and colours were taken. The 
Saxons, whose flight did not save them from slaughter, 
lost 2000 men ; the Swedes 700 only. All the principal 
leaders of the Imperial army—Tilly, Pappenheim, and 
Furstemberg—were wounded. Among the killed were 
the Duke of Holstein, Schomberg (the Sergeant-Major 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


337 


General), Erwitz (the Waclitmeister-General), Baum- 
garten, Blancard, Colorado, Lerma, and Gonzaga, all 
Colonels ; and Ainsa, Lieut.-Colonel of the regiment of 
Lavelli; and many other distinguished officers * 

On the Swedish side, Colonel Teuffel, who commanded 
the centre of infantry, and was Colonel of the brigade 
of guards, was killed; also Colonels Halle (who com¬ 
manded the left wing of cavalry of the 2nd line), Cal- 
lembach, and Danietz. Courville, and Colonels Lurns- 
del and Mostyn (both English), were wounded. Of the 
Saxons, there fell Bindauf (the Sergeant-Major Gene¬ 
ral), Lofels, Dieshan, and the two Starchedels, all 
Colonels of regiments. 

The King of Sweden seems not to have followed up the 
victory to the utmost extent of his forces. Probably the 
approach of night and the bold countenance shown by 
some of the Imperial troops, especially their cavalry 
and the Walloons, made him doubtful of hazarding a 
close engagement with them, when his troops were 
already fatigued with a long and hard day’s work. The 
Swedish army passed the night on the field. Next 
morning, after a solemn thanksgiving at the head of the 
army, the King mounted his horse, and returned thanks 
to the different regiments, praising especially the con¬ 
duct of the Swedish and Finland horse, and the gallant 
Scottish regiments under Hepburn, to whom undoubtedly 
the victory is most to be attributed. 

The defeated army meanwhile fled in the direction of 
Halle and Halberstadt, and but few could be rallied by 
the utmost exertions of the Generalissimo and Pappen- 
keim. At Halle a small body of troops were collected, 

* The celebrated Count Raymond Montecuculi, afterwards the 
opponent of Turenne and the victor of St. Got hard, charged so forward 
in the midst of the Swedish line, that he was dismounted and made 
prisoner. He was then a Colonel of cavalry. 


Q 


338 


APPENDIX. 


wlio were overjoyed to see tlieir old chief still living, for 
a report had been circulated through the army of the 
death of Tilly, whose wounds had in truth been severe 
enough to warrant the report. The town surgeon of 
Halle (for there were no military medical officers at¬ 
tached to the Imperial service) dressed the wound of the 
old Commander-in-Chief, and, finding him suffering from 
several contusions where the bullets had struck him, 
the goodness of his armour having prevented them 
from penetrating, wisely imagined that his body was 
protected by magical art,—an idea which leaves the 
reader in doubt whether to admire most the enlightened 
mind or the high medical experience of the worthy 
practitioner. From Halle, Tilly retired to Halberstadt, 
where the shattered condition of his bodily strength did 
not prevent his mounting his horse, and reviewing the 
troops who had rallied there, numbering about 5000 
cavalry (ten troops of which had just arrived from 
Cologne), and a few broken corps of infantry. Pappen- 
heim, who had retired by another route, had also 
managed to assemble a small body of troops, and was 
joined by the new regiment (from Cologne), which 
Tilly soon after sent to assist him in his retreat. These 
remnants of the Imperial army were soon afterwards 
assembled together in the duchy of Brunswick, where 
Tilly employed himself in re-organising his shattered 
troops. 

Gustavus, who had contented himself with sending a 
few cavalry in pursuit of the flying enemy the evening 
before, after the solemn thanksgiving for the victory 
before-mentioned, proceeded at the head of a portion of 
his cavalry to invest Leipsic; and giving up the charge 
of that operation to the Elector of Saxony (whose 
troops were now rallied from their disgraceful flight), 
the king pushed on to Merseburg, where a garrison of 


BATTLE OP LEIPSIC, 1631. 


339 


Imperial troops still remained, who after a short resist¬ 
ance surrendered as prisoners of war. Thence Gustavus 
advanced to Halle at the head of 15,000 men, and 
obtained possession of that town, as well as its castle, 
without much difficulty. Leipsic surrendered after two 
days’ siege, and the Allies now found themselves entirely 
masters of Saxony. Another thanksgiving was offered 
up by the King of Sweden in the cathedral of Halle. 
Many Swedish officers and soldiers, who had been con¬ 
fined in Leipsic since the capture of Magdeburg, ob¬ 
tained their freedom, and the ranks of the Swedish 
army were considerably increased by these reinforce¬ 
ments. 

The news of this victory struck terror into the ad¬ 
verse party. Hardly could they believe that, to use the 
homely language of the time, “ God Almighty had 
turned Protestant.” The Emperor, not thinking him¬ 
self safe in his own capital, retired with the whole of 
his Court to Gratz, in order to be in greater security. 
Nothing now appeared to avert the impending danger, 
and the Catholic League, after having for thirteen suc¬ 
cessive years been victorious in every part of Germany, 
found its hopes, its interests, and its successes annihi¬ 
lated at a single blow. 

Reflections. 

Perhaps few victories have been more decisive in 
their results than the one of which we have just given 
the details. The ancient prestige of invincibility which 
had so long illumined the Imperial arms was destroyed 
for ever. "Their most distinguished general and their 
bravest bands had been fairly routed ; not foiled by the 
superior advantages of position, not crushed by the 
overpowering weight of superior numbers, but over¬ 
thrown in a fair open field of battle of their own choice, 

Q 2 


340 


APPENDIX. 


and by the moral superiority and steady discipline of 
the soldiers opposed to them. Germany lay open to 
the conqueror. The advance of the Swedes upon 
Vienna was unopposed by any force, and the crisis of 
the Empire seemed at hand. As it usually happens, 
every abuse was lavished upon the veteran general, who 
seemed to have grown too old for success. The brave 
and high-minded old Tilly found that neither the high 
military fame of a life passed in the field, nor the lustre 
of thirty-six victories, was a sufficient safeguard against 
the malice of his enemies. Many were, therefore, the 
criticisms to which his operations were submitted, and 
many the faults alleged against him. Although we are 
far from considering the statements which have been 
made hitherto, in modern as well as in former times, to 
be the true causes of the defeat of Leipsic, yet, as the 
use of military history is principally to draw from the 
errors which influenced former defeats true principles 
for the guidance of future victories, it may be useful to 
consider briefly how far the dispositions of the Imperial 
general influenced the result of the battle of Leipsic, 
and how far it was on the other hand affected by cir¬ 
cumstances over which he had no control. In doing 
this we shall endeavour not to be biassed by the 
remarks which most historians, some inimical to the 
Imperial commander, others not acquainted with mili¬ 
tary affairs, have made upon the events of the battle. 

The principal faults to which the defeat of the Im¬ 
perialists has hitherto been attributed are the follow¬ 
ing :— 

1. Not defending the defile caused by the passage of 
the Lobebach at Schelkau, by which neglect the Allied 
army was enabled unopposed to debouche into the plain, 
and form in order of battle opposite the Imperialists. 

2. The disposition of the Imperial army in one en- 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 341 

tangled line of battle, unsupported by reserve or second 
line. 

3. The faulty position of the Imperial artillery, in 
rear of this line of battle, which prevented any advance 
of the troops stationed in front, without either silencing 
its fire, or hazarding the safety of those troops by the 
continuance of it. 

4. That of abandoning their advantageous position 
in order to attack the Swedish and Saxon army. 

5. The want of combination displayed in the several 
attacks. 

In order to come to a just conclusion upon the events 
of the battle, let us briefly proceed to analyse these 
charges. 

1. Not defending the Lobebach. 

The question raised by the first resolves itself into 
this : Did the Imperial general wish to fight or not ? 
Most undoubtedly the occupation of the villages of 
Schelkau and Podelwitz by a strong force of musketeers, 
supported by a detachment of cavalry in the plain, in 
advance of the line of battle, would have prevented 
the Allied army from passing the rivulet without sus¬ 
taining considerable loss, and would no doubt have re¬ 
tarded the engagement for a short time. On the other 
hand, if Tilly was prepared to fight, he could have 
chosen no better ground than he did. The very fact of 
such an obstacle as the Lobebach existing in rear of the 
Allies would probably contribute to their total destruc¬ 
tion in case of defeat, and the position of Pappen- 
heirn’s advanced guard of cavalry was quite sufficient to 
harass their passage without entirely preventing it, thus 
being excellently well calculated to draw them into a 
disadvantageous position. Tilly seems to have been ill 
supported by his officers, who appear to have totally 
misunderstood his plan of operations. His permitting 

Q 3 


342 


APPENDIX. 


the Allied armies to pass the defile with but slight moles¬ 
tation, and the extended disposition of the Imperial 
army in an immense line, seems to warrant the suppo¬ 
sition that he intended, after drawing them across the 
Lobebach, to throw them back upon it by an attack 
upon both flanks. But his advanced age prevented his 
superintending everything himself, and the knowledge 
that his lieutenants were opposing all his opinions pre¬ 
vented his real plan from being properly executed, as it 
was, most likely, not made public. 

2. The disposition of the Imperial army in one line, 
without any reserve. 

This fault, if committed, was Pappenheim’s, for, being 
Marshal of the Field, he superintended the drawing up 
of the Imperial army, and said, when reproached with 
the fact of his wing having no support, “ that he had 
provided one.” As we have before stated, there are 
discrepancies among historians relative to this point; 
some stating that both reserve and second line were 
formed ; and others denying the existence of both. A 
letter written by a Captain in the Imperial service 
states that six regiments of cuirassiers were held in 
reserve, independent of the cavalry of the right and left 
wings. Thus the charge is doubtful; and if the fact be 
as stated by this officer, it may only be considered in so 
far correct, that perhaps a more judicious employment 
of this reserve might have produced different results. 

3. The artillery being placed in rear of the line of 
battle. 

The dangerous position of the artillery in rear of the 
Imperial troops, so that any forward movement of theirs 
must have silenced its fire, is one of the faults which 
may, with justice, be imputed to the Imperial general, 
and was certainly a grave one. The repartition of the 
Imperial guns was, however, perfectly in accordance 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


343 


with the acknowledged principles of artillery. They 
were divided into two masses, one of which swept the 
front, while the other, by its position, enfiladed the left 
flank of the Swedes during their advance towards the 
Imperial position. 

4. That of abandoning his position in order to attack 
the Saxons and Swedes. 

This charge is evidently advanced by those who are 
not conversant with military affairs. Tilly’s position 
was good, but not one that offered any advantage to a 
system of passive defence. It was perfectly open both 
in front and flanks, and, being practicable for troops of 
all arms, was therefore well qualified for a system of 
active defence, by which, passing suddenly from the 
defensive to a vigorous attack, the Imperial general 
might fairly expect to force the Allied army back upon 
the rivulet in their rear. 

5. Want of combination in the several attacks. 

To this charge we fear the Imperial commander must 
also plead guilty. Yet he strove vainly to recall his 
men from the pursuit of the Saxons, and showed con¬ 
siderable energy in attempting to force the new line 
which Horn presented to oppose him. The nature of 
the attacks probably prevented that combination and 
coherence between them which would have led to better 
results. This must always be more or less the case 
when an attack is made on both wings at once. The 
extent of front occupied by a large army renders what 
is passing at one extremity of the line invisible to those 
posted at the other. Thus the unanimity of the dif¬ 
ferent attacks is lost, and the general has no power to 
remedy the failure of one of these, but by weakening 
his own centre to reinforce it, or by a vigorous advance 
with that centre to divert the attention of the enemy to 
that quarter. Perhaps the battle of Dresden is in modern 


344 


APPENDIX. 


times tlie only example that can be adduced of an at¬ 
tack from both wings at once proving successful; and in 
this case the fortified town of Dresden protected the 
French centre, and established a free communication 
between the two wings. 

On the whole, then, we may consider the Imperial 
general more unfortunate than faulty. The tactical 
faults of the Imperial discipline cannot with justice be 
ascribed to him. It was not his fault that the elemen¬ 
tary system in the Imperial army was defective. He 
had, besides, arrived at a period of life when no general, 
however high his former reputation may have been, can 
command the same deference to his opinion, and obe¬ 
dience to his commands, which he received at an earlier 
period of his career. The greatest generals of modern 
times have all experienced this in their old age, and the 
names of Eugene, Frederick, and even Napoleon, may 
be adduced as examples. We see no fault in the choice 
of Tilly’s field of battle, if he intended to risk an ac¬ 
tion. There does not, indeed, appear to be any good 
reason why the Imperial army should avoid one. It 
was superior to that of the Allies, of which full one- 
lialf was composed of raw levies, while the Imperial 
regiments were veterans who had hitherto met no equal 
foes. Had a defensive battle been resolved on, a better 
position might have been taken up between the villages 
of Widderitsch and Lechausen, across the road to Leip- 
sic, where the small ravine commencing at the latter 
village would have covered the front, and a height in 
front of the former affords a commanding situation for 
artillery. The left is protected by the brook which, 
commencing at Lindenthal, flows through the villages 
of Gross and Klein Widderitsch, and falls into the 
Elster. In such a position Tilly might have awaited 
his reinforcements, and it would not have been easy to 



BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


345 


drive him from it. Marmont, when covering Leipsic in 
1814, took up another strong position to the left of the 
brook above mentioned; but the enemy were then 
advancing by a different road, while his reinforcements 
were approaching by the Diiben road. This at once 
proves how ineligible the position would have been for 
Tilly, as, situated as it is, his right flank would have 
been in danger of an attack from the whole force of the 
Allies advancing by this road, which is in the prolonga¬ 
tion of the right of the position. The only remaining 
post which Tilly could have occupied with advantage is 
the one he at first intended to remain in, with the 
Partha covering his front, and his left protected by the 
fortifications of Leipsic. This would, perhaps, have 
been the securest of any. Ney occupied it before the 
third day of the great battle fought between Napoleon 
and the Allies, and maintained it until the movement of 
the Crown Prince of Sweden round the right flank obliged 
him to change front, in order to prevent being turned. 

During the course of the battle itself it is impossible 
to avoid admiring the gallant bearing of the veteran 
commander, and the devoted courage of his brave 
Walloons. Tilly may have committed some faults as a 
general, but few can read the account of the battle of 
Leipsic without sympathising with the brave old soldier, 
whom Fortune, lavish of her favours in his youth, seems 
to have deserted in his old age. “ No Austrian general 
of modern times,” says Colonel Mitchell, “ has behaved 
with the skill, courage, and resolution displayed by Tilly 
on the occasion.” The names of Clairfayt, Hotze, and 
the Archduke Charles may be given as splendid excep¬ 
tions to this remark; but we may safely assert that few 
men, at so advanced a period of life, have shown the 
energy and resolute bearing in adversity of which the 
conduct of Tilly has left so bright an example. 




346 


APPENDIX. 


From a survey of the conduct of the Imperial 
general, let us turn to that of Gustavus and his brave 
Swedes. In everything we find fresh ground of admira¬ 
tion. The well-trained discipline of the army, the 
heroic personal valour and high moral courage of their 
king, are everywhere conspicuous. With the dispi¬ 
riting example of the Saxons before them, we find 
these devoted troops giving the most unequalled proofs 
of patient endurance and steady discipline, and per¬ 
forming the most trying movements under circumstances 
of most critical emergency. Nor is this all. Few 
modern armies (we may venture to add), aided as they 
are by every perfection of modern arms, and drilled to 
the most complicated manoeuvres of modern tactics, 
would have remained unshaken in the trying position of 
that of the Swedes at Leipsic.* Their left flank turned 
at the very commencement of the onset, their right en¬ 
gaged in an unequal conflict, and their front menaced by 
a body of troops till then deemed invincible, these lion- 
hearted soldiers still remained unshaken, and responded 
with alacrity to the call of their Sovereign, who showed 
himself well worthy to command an army composed of 
such men. Let us also, before leaving the subject, ad¬ 
mire with some feelings of national pride the brilliant 
behaviour of the gallant Scots under Hepburn, who so 
well sustained the honour of their country, celebrated 
in all ages as a nation of warriors. By their valour was 
the victorious right wing of Tilly’s army first stemmed 
in its career of success, and eventually forced into flight 
by their resolute attack. 

In a military point of view Gustavus has left us some 
valuable lessons in the disposition and manoeuvres of his 
army on this great day. The use of interlinear reserves, 

* Perhaps (without partiality) a British army would be the only one 
equal to such a trial. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


347 


wliicli lias since his day been recommended by many 
distinguished military writers, has the advantage of 
rendering the movements of the second line more 
independent of those of the first, and enables the 
commander to make use of it in any direction that 
circumstances may require. Thus, as we have seen, the 
king’s first line remained throughout the day unaltered 
in its disposition, and the small reserve of horse and 
foot stationed between the two lines formed an excellent 
support to it, when the second line was withdrawn en 
potence to cover the left flank. The reserve of artillery 
shows that Gustavus was one of the few who really un¬ 
derstood the properties of that destructive force, and in 
this he stands unrivalled, as, until Napoleon’s genius 
brought that arm into operation as actually influencing 
the fate of battles, little seems to have been known of 
the effects resulting from a continual and concentrated 
fire, which can only be maintained by the formation of 
reserve batteries, whose office it is to advance into 
action when those actually engaged become disabled, or 
pause for want of ammunition. The mixture of mus¬ 
keteers with cavalry (a doubtful experiment in these 
days) was in the time of Gustavus a disposition per¬ 
fectly well adapted to the state of the cavalry of the 
day. The Swedish cavalry were very much under¬ 
mounted ; their movements, and indeed those of the 
horse of all nations, at that time were slow, seldom 
• moving out of a trot. Thus, the paces of the cavalry 
were not so rapid but that a few detachments of in¬ 
fantry could keep tolerably near them, and the great 
advantage which the fire of these musketeers, piercing 
the armour of the Imperial cuirassiers, gave to their 
own weak-mounted cavalry must appear evident to any 
military reader. In the present age, an officer who 
should intermingle infantry between the squadrons of 



348 


APPENDIX. 


cavalry, in the same manner as Gustavus at Leipsic, 
would err extremely, as the only tendency of such a 
disposition would be to shackle the movements of the 
latter, whose great advantage consists in the celerity of 
their manoeuvres and the velocity of their attack. The 
great King of Prussia, at the battle of Molwitz (his first 
victory), attempted, in imitation of Gustavus, to inter¬ 
mingle infantry with his wings of cavalry, and the re¬ 
sult of the disposition was unsuccessful; the cavalry of 
the Prussian right wing being driven from the field, 
while the infantry intermingled with them managed, 
through the gallantry and presence of mind of their 
commander (Winterfield), to stand them ground and 
join themselves to the main body of the infantry. The 
king’s own remarks upon the battle show how little 
advantage he considered that he had obtained by the 
experiment.* Tempora mutantur. 

The careful student of the military profession will do 
well to seize the spirit, rather than the letter, of the 
examples which history has left for his guidance. A 
careful review of the causes of success will enable him 
to judge what is obsolete, what may still be imitated 
with advantage. Thus, although it would be injudi¬ 
cious to copy exactly the disposition of the Swedish 
cavalry at Leipsic, Gustavus has, by the mixture of his 
cavalry and infantry, left us one valuable maxim, viz. 
that the one should always sustain and assist the other. 
Cavalry and infantry individually can never have the 
same force as the two arms judiciously combined. And 
the example of war has made it matter of history, that 

* “ Le Eoi savoit que l’ennemi lui etoit superieur en cavalerie: pour 
obvier a cet inconvenient, il mela entre les escadrons cle chaque aile 
deux bataillons de grenadiers;—c’etoit une disposition dont Gustave 
Adolpbe avait fait usage a la bataille de Lutzen, et dont selon toute 
apparence on ne se servira plus.”—Vide ‘ Histoire de mon Temps/ par 
Frederic IL, p. 158. 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


349 


to the correct combination of these may be ascribed the 
success of many victories, while the neglect of it has, 
on the other hand, been a primary cause of many de¬ 
feats. Among the causes which led to the victory of 
Leipsic, none seems more worthy of remark than the 
powerful effect of the improved system of fire which 
Gustavus had introduced into his army. By the fire of 
the corps of musketeers, intermingled with the cavalry 
regiments of the right, were the cuirassiers of Pappen- 
heim, and led by Pappenheim, turned to flight. The 
undermounted cavalry of the Swedes could have done 
little towards repelling them single-handed, whereas the 
continued tempest of bullets, against which the armour 
of the cuirassiers did not protect them, turned the scale 
in favour of the Swedes. 

Lastly, the attack of the victorious right of the Im¬ 
perialists was repulsed by the Scottish brigades, “ giving- 
fire,” says an author, “ by two or three ranks at a time 
over each other’s heads.” This appears to have been 
the first introduction of platoon firing, which has since 
been continued, with some modifications, up to the pre¬ 
sent time. The masses of Imperial pikemen, deserted 
by their musketeers, were soon obliged to give way, and 
the battle was in every case gained by those superior in 
fire. Much has been written in after days upon the 
shock or “ impulsion” of masses, and much has been 
ascribed to the power of the arme blanche , whether in 
the shape of bayonet or pike; but we here have an 
instance of a battle fought in the days when pikemen 
formed a considerable portion of every army, in which 
the victory was decidedly in favour of those armed with 
fire-arms, and handling them with most precision. The 
numbers of the Imperial pikemen seem to have ex¬ 
ceeded those of Gustavus, but the discipline which that 
monarch had introduced in his musketeers seems to 

R 



350 


APPENDIX. 


have given him the advantage in eveiy part of the 
field. 

The manoeuvre of protecting the flank of a line by a 
disposition en potence is a dangerous one when applied 
to a stationary position of defence. The line formed 
by Marshal Horn at Leipsic does not, however, come 
under this class. It was an able application of the 
oblique line to protect the flank denuded of appui, like 
that which won the victory of Pharsalia for Caesar. The 
former exposes the two lines formed to the front and 
flank to serious disadvantage, when assailed by the 
enemy’s artillery, upon the angle formed by their junc¬ 
tion. The latter, being only a temporary position of 
defence, does not give the enemy time for availing him¬ 
self of this advantage, and the moment the flank attack 
of the enemy has been repelled a forward movement 
of the lines may, by a sudden change of operations from 
the defensive to the offensive, throw them into confusion. 
It was thus that Caesar at Pharsalia, not only repelled 
the flank attack of Pompey’s cavalry, but, by a vigorous 
advance of the oblique line formed to cover his right 
flank, overthrew the whole of the enemy’s left, and 
then, changing the front of this line to the left, took in 
flank, in his turn, the remainder of the enemy’s line, 
which opposed his front. Thus also did Gustavus at 
Leipsic. Seeing the flank attack of the Imperial right 
repelled by Hepburn with the second line, he imme¬ 
diately seized the moment of victory, and attacked with 
Ins fiist line the centre of the enemy, denuded of sup¬ 
port by the repulse of their right and left. 

It is to be regretted that historians have left us so 
much in the dark with respect to the subsequent 
manoeu\ 1 es of the king in his attack upon the Imnerial 
centre. We may almost infer, however, that this last 
attack was made by throwing forwards the extremities 


BATTLE OF LEIPSIC, 1631. 


351 


of the two lines en echelon , so as to form them upon one 
general line of battle, the point of junction, a, of the 
angle of potence, being the pivot of the manoeuvre. 



This manoeuvre would, if prolonged, eventually take the 
Imperial centre in front and flank, unprotected as it 
then was by the flight of the two wings. 

On the whole we may say that few armies have be¬ 
haved with more resolution, or performed more trying 
manoeuvres under imminent peril, than the Swedish 
army on this great day. Although the period is now a 
remote one, few battles will be found more worthy of 
the careful attention of military readers than that which 
it has been the object of these pages to describe. 
Equally a model of defensive and offensive combina¬ 
tions, it is admirable as an example of patient endurance 
under adverse circumstances, and of prompt decision in 
seizing the moment of victory. The able manner in 
which the attack on the right and left was warded off 
until the moment arrived for striking the decisive blow 
on the centre, and the vigour with which the tide of vic¬ 
tory, once stemmed, was rolled back upon the foe, must 



352 


APPENDIX. 


place the gallant hero who achieved it among the first 
of great military leaders. Years have rolled on since 
the adverse armies of Tilly and Gustavus contended 
upon the plains of Leipsic; but wherever the science 
of war is still a subject of interest, the details of that 
victory will be appreciated, and the heroic conduct of 
the commander who rose superior to the terrors of 
adversity and so ably availed himself of the crisis of 
victory, and the devoted troops whose patient endurance 
supported him through so hard a trial, will meet with 
high and well-deserved encomium. 


TIIE END. 


LONDON .* PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET,, 

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- Lord Hervet’s Memoirs of the Reign of George the 

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Reprinted from the Quarterly Review. 8vo. 15s. 

— Historical Essay on the Guillotine. Fcap. Svo. Is. 

CROMWELL (Oliver) and John Bunyan. By Robert Southey. 
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CURETON (Rev. W.) Remains of a very Ancient Recension of 
the Four Gospels in Syriac, hitherto unknown in Europe. Discovered, 
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DENNIS’ (George) Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria; or, the 
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10 


LIST OF WORKS 


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DYER’S (Thomas H.) Life and Letters of John Calvin. Compiled 

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ELDON’S (Lord Chancellor) Public and Private Life, with Selec¬ 
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ELLIS (Mrs.) On the Education of Character, with Hints on Moral 

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andWoodcuts. 8vo. 16s. 















• PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


11 


ELLESMERE’S (Lord) Two Sieges of Vienna by the Turks. 

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- Second Campaign of Radetzky in Piedmont. 

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ELWIN’S (Rev. W.) Lives of Eminent British Poets. From 

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ENGLAND (History op) from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace 

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-From the First Invasion by the Romans, 

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ENGLISHWOMAN IN AMERICA. Post 8vo. 10s. 6cZ. 
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ERSKINE’S (Capt., R.N.) Journal of a Cruise among the Islands 

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ESKIMAUX (The) and English Vocabulary, for the use of Travellers 
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ESSAYS FROM “ THE TIMES.” Being a Selection from the 

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EXETER’S (Bishop of) Letters to the late Charles Butler, on the 

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parts of the Evidence of Dr. Doyle. Second Edition. 8vo. 16s. 

FAIRY RING (The), A Collection of Tales and Stories for Young 

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Doyle. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 

FALKNER’S (Fred.) Muck Manual for the Use of Farmers. A 

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FAMILY RECEIPT-BOOK. A Collection of a Thousand Valuable 

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12 


LIST OF WORKS 


FANCOURT’S (Col.) History of Yucatan, from its Discovery 

to tlie Close of the 17th Century. 'With Map. 8vo. 10s. 6d. 

FEATHERSTONHAUGH’S (G. W.) Tour through the Slave States 

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FELLOWS’ (Sir Charles) Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, 

more particularly in the Province of Lydia. New Edition. Plates. Post 
8vo. 9s. 

FERGUSSON’S (James) Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis 

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With 45 Woodcuts. 8vo. 16s. 

- Handbook of Architecture. Being a 

Concise and Popular Account of the Different Styles prevailing in all 
Ages and Countries in the World. With a Description of the most re¬ 
markable Buildings. Fourth Thousand. With 850 Illustrations. 8vo. 26s. 

FERRIER’S (T. P.) Caravan Journeys in Persia, Affghanistan, 

Herat, Turkistan, and Beloochistan, with Descriptions of Meshed, Balk, 
and Candahar, and Sketches of the Nomade Tribes of Central Asia. 
Second Edition. Map. 8vo. 21s. 

- History of the Afghans. Map. 8vo. 21s. 

FEUERBACH’S Remarkable German Crimes and Trials. Trans¬ 

lated from the German by Lady Duff Gordon. 8vo. 12s. 

FISHER’S (Rev. George) Elements of Geometry, for the Use of 
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- First Principles of Algebra, for the Use of Schools. 

Fifth Edition. 1 Smo. Is. 6cZ. 

FLOWER GARDEN (The). An Essay. By Rev. Thos. James. 

Reprinted from the “ Quarterly Review.” Fcap. 8vo. Is. 

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2Vols. Post 8vo. 30s. 


Gatherings from Spain. Post 8vo. 6s. 


FORSTER’S (John) Historical & Biographical Essays. Contents:— 


I. The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. 

II. The Plantagenets and the Tudors. 

III. The Civil Wars and Oliver Crom¬ 
well. 

2 Yols. Post8vo. 


IV. Daniel De Foe. 

V. Sir Richard Steele. 
VI. Charles Churchill. 
VII. Samuel Foote. 

21s. 


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- History of Napoleon at St. Helena. From the 

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the years 1843-52, with full Descriptions of the Culture of the Tea 
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■- Residence among the Chinese: Inland, on the 

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FRANCE (History of). From the Conquest by the Gauls to the 

Death of Louis Philippe. By Mrs. Markiiam. 56th Thousand. Wood- 
cuts. 12mo. 6s. 




















PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


13 


FRENCH (The) in Algiers; The Soldier of the Foreign Legion— 
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GALTON’S (Francis) Art of Travel; or, Hints on the Shifts and 

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GEOGRAPHICAL (The) Journal. Published by the Royal Geo¬ 
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GERMANY (History of). From the Invasion by Marius, to the 
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12mo. 6s. 

GIBBON’S (Edward) Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. A 

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ham. Vignettes. 4 Vols. Svo. 30s. (Murray’s British Classics.) 

GLEIG’S (Rev. G. R.) Campaigns of the British Army at Washing¬ 
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___ Story of the Battle of Waterloo. Compiled from Public 

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-Life of Robert Lord Clive. Post Svo. 5s. 

__ Life and Letters of General Sir Thomas Munro. Post 

Svo. 5s. 

GORDON’S (Sir Alex. Duff) Sketches of German Life, and Scenes 
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___ (Lady Duff) Amber-Witch: the most interesting 

Trial for Witchcraft ever known. From the German. Post Svo. 2s. 6c?. 

__ French in Algiers. 1. The Soldier of the Foreign 

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German of Fuerbach. Svo. 12s. 

GRANT’S (Asahel) Nestorians, or the Lost Tribes ; containing 
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with Sketches of Travel in Ancient Assyria, Armenia, and Mesopotamia ; 
and Illustrations of Scripture Prophecy. Third Edition. Fcap 8vo. 6s. 




















14 


LIST OF WORKS 


GRENVILLE (The) PAPERS. Being the Public and Private 

Correspondence of George Grenville, his Friends and Contemporaries, 
during a period of 30 years.— Including his Diary of Political 
Events virile First Lord of the Treasury. Edited, with Notes, by 
W. J. Smith. 4 Yols. 8vo. 16s. each. 

GREEK GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS. Abridged from Matthiee. 
By the Bishop of London. Ninth Edition, revised by Rev. J. Edwards. 
12mo. 3s. 

GREY’S (Sir George) Polynesian Mythology, and Ancient 
Traditional History of the New Zealand Race. Woodcuts. Post 
8vo. 10s. Gd. 

GROTE’S (George) History of Greece. From the Earliest Times 
to the close of the generation contemporary with the death of Alexander 
the Great. Third Edition. Maps and Index. 12 vols. 8vo. 16s. each. 

GROSVENOR’S (Lord Robert) Leaves from my Journal during 
the Summer of 1851. Second Edition. Plates. PostSvo. 3s. 6ch 

GUSTAVUS VASA (History of), King of Sweden. With Extracts 

from his Correspondence. Portrait. 8vo. 10s. Gd. 

HALLAM’S (Henry) Constitutional History of England, from the 
Accession of Henry the Seventh to the Death of George the Second. 
Seventh Edition. 3 Yols. 8vo. 30s. 

-- History of Europe during the Middle Ages. 

Tenth Edition. 3 Yols. 8vo. 30s. 

-— Introduction to the Literary History of Europe, during 

the 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries. Fourth Edition. 3 Yols. 8vo. 36s. 

- Literary Essays and Characters. Selected from the 

last work. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 

—- Historical Works. Containing the History of Eng¬ 

land,—The Middle Ages of Europe,—and the Literary History of 
Europe. Complete Edition. 10 Vols. Post8vo. 6s. each. 

HAMILTON’S (James) Wanderings in Northern Africa, Benghazi, 

Cyrene, the Oasis of Sivali, &c. Second Edition. Woodcuts. PostSvo. 12s. 

- (W alter) Hindostan, Geographically, Statistically, 

and Historically. Map. 2 Vols. 4to. 94s. Gd. 

HAMPDEN’S (Bishop) Essay on the Philosophical Evidence of 

Christianity, or the Credibility obtained to a Scripture Revelation 
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HAROOTJRT’S (Edward Vernon) Sketch of Madeira; with Map 

and Plates. Post 8vo. 8s. Gd. 

HART’S ARMY LIST. (Quarterly and Annually.) 8vo. 

HAY’S (J. H. Drummond) Western Barbary, its wild Tribes and 
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HEBER (Bishop) Parish Sermons; on the Lessons, the Gospel, 

or the Epistle, for every Sunday in the Year, and for Week-day Festivals. 
Sixth Edition. 2 Vols. PostSvo. 16s. 

--Sermons Preached in England. Second Edition. 8vo. 9s. 6d. 

- Hymns written and adapted for the weekly Church 

Service of the Year. Twelfth Edition. 16mo. 2s. 

- Poetical Works. Fifth Edition. Portrait. Fcap. 8vo. 

7s. Gd. 

-Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, From 

Calcutta to Bombay, with a Journey to Madras and the Southern Pro¬ 
vinces. 2 Yols. Post Svo. 12s. 























PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY 


15 


HAND-BOOK OF TRA1 EL-TALIv; or, Conversations in 

English, German, French, and Italian. 18mo. 3s. 6d. 

NORTH GERMANY —Holland, Belgiuji, and 
the Rhine to Switzerland. Map. Post8vo. 10s. 

SOUTH GERMANY—Bavaria, Austria, Salzberg, 

the Austrian and Bavarian Alps, the Tyrol, and the Danube, from Ulm 
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Maps. Post 8vo. 9s. 

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- PORTUGAL, LISBON, &c. Map. Post 8vo. 9s. 

- PAINTING —Spanish and French Schools', By 

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- NORTH ITALY—Florence, Sardinia, Genoa, the 

Riviera, Venice, Lombardy, and Tuscany. Map. PostSvo. 2 Vols. 12s. 

—- CENTRAL ITALY— South Tuscany and the 

Papal States. Map. Post 8vo. 7s. 

- -— ROME—AND ITS ENVIRONS. Map. Post 

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Vesuvius, &c. Map. PostSvo. 10s. 

-SICILY. Map. Post 8vo. (In the Press.) 

- PAINTING—the Italian Schools. From the Ger¬ 
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2 Vols. Post 8vo. 30s. 

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_SYRIA AND PALESTINE; the Peninsula of 

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- INDIA.—Part 1. Bombay and Madras. Map. 

2 Vols. PostSvo. 24s. 

-DENMARK— Norway and Sweden. Maps. Post 

8vo. 15s. 

- RUSSIA— The Baltic and Finland. Maps. Post 

8vo. 12s. 





































16 


LIST OF WORKS 


HANDBOOK OF LONDON, Past and Present. Alphabetically 

arranged. Second Edition. Post 8vo. 16s. 

--- MODERN LONDON. A Guide to all objects 

of interest in the Metropolis. Map. 16mo. 5s. 

-ENVIRONS OF LONDON. Including a Circle of 

30 Miles round St. Paul’s. Maps. Post 8vo. {In'preparation.') 

- DEVON AND CORNWALL. Maps. Post Svo. 

- WILTS, DORSET, AND SOMERSET. Map. Post 

8vo. 

-- KENT AND SUSSEX. Map. Post Svo. 10s. 

-SURREY, HANTS, and the Isle of Wight. 

Maps. Post 8vo. 7s. Gd. 

- WESTMINSTER ABBEY—its Art, Architecture, 

and Associations. Woodcuts. 16mo. Is. 

__ CATHEDRALS OF ENGLAND. Post Svo. In 

Preparation. 

- PARIS. Post 8vo. {In Preparation.) 

-FAMILIAR QUOTATIONS. Chiefly from English 

Authors. Third Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5s. 

-ARCHITECTURE. Being a Concise and Popular 

Account of the Different Styles prevailing in all Ages and Countries. 
By James Fergusson. Fourth Thousand. With S50 Illustrations. 
Svo. 26s. 

-- ARTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND RE- 

naissance. By M. Jules Labarte. With 200 Illustrations. Svo. ISs. 

HEAD’S (Sir Francis) Rough Notes of some Rapid Journeys across 
the Pampas and over the Andes. Post Svo. 2s. 6d. 

- Descriptive Essays: contributed to the “ Quarterly 

Review.” 2 Vols. Post Svo. 18s. 

--Bubbles from the Brunnen of Nassau. By an Old Man. 

Sixth Edition. 16mo. 5s. 

--Emigrant. Sixth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d. 

-Stokers and Pokers; or, the London and North-Western 

Railway. Post Svo. 2s. Gd. 

-Defenceless State of Great Britain. Post Svo. 12s. 

-Faggot of French Sticks; or, Sketches of Paris. 

New Edition. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 12s. 

--Fortnight in Ireland. Second Edition. Map. 8vo. 125. 

-(Sir George) Forest Scenes and Incidents in Canada. 

Second Edition. Post Svo. 10s. 

■-Home Tour through the Manufacturing Districts of 

England, Scotland, and Ireland, including the Channel Islands, and the 
Isle of Man. Third Edition. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 12s. 

- (Sir Edmund) Handbook of Painting—the Spanish 

and French Schools. With Illustrations. Post Svo. 

- Shall and Will; or, Two Chapters on Future Auxiliary 

Verbs. Second Edition, Enlarged. Fcap. Svo. 4s. 










































PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


17 


HEIRESS (The) in Her Minority; or, The Progress of Character. 
By the Author of “ Bertha’s Journal.” 2 Yols. 12mo. 18s. 

HERODOTUS. A New English Version. Edited with Notes, 

and Essays. By Rev G. Rawlinson, assisted by Sir Henry 
Rawlinson, and Sir J. G. Wilkinson. Maps and Woodcuts. 4 Vols. 
8vo. 18s. each. 

HERVEY’S (Lord) Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second, 

from his Accession to the Death of Queen Caroline. Edited, with Notes 
by Mr. Crokeb. Second Edition. Portrait. 2 Yols. 8vo. 21s. 

HICKMAN’S (Wm.) Treatise on the Law and Practice of Naval 

Courts Martial. 8vo. 10s. 6J. 

HILLARD’S (G. S.) Six Months in Italy. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 16s. 
HISTORY OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE under the House 

of Lancaster. With an Introductory Yiew of the Early Reformation. 
Second Edition. 8vo. 15s. 

HOLLAND’S (Rev. W. B.) Psalms and Hymns, selected and 
adapted to the various Solemnities of the Church. Third Edition. 24mo. 
Is. 3d. 

HOLL WAY’S (J. G.) Month in Norway. Fcap. 8vo. 2 s. 

HONEY BEE (The). An Essay. By Rev. Thomas James. 

Reprinted from the “ Quarterly Review.” Fcap. 8vo. Is. 

HOOK’S (Rev. Dr.) Church Dictionary. Eighth Edition. 8vo. 16s. 

- Discourses on the Religious Controversies of the Day. 

8vo. 9s. 

-(Theodore) Life. By J. G. Lockhart. Reprinted from the 

“ Quarterly Review.” Fcap. 8vo. Is. 

HOOKER’S (Dr. J. D.) Himalayan Journals; or, Notes of an Oriental 

Naturalist in Bengal, the Sikkim and Nepal Himalayas, the Khasia 
Mountains, &c. Second Edition, Woodcuts. 2 vols. Post 8vo. 18s. 

HOOPER’S (Lieut.) Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski ; 
with Incidents of an Arctic Boat Expedition in Search of Sir John 
Franklin. Plates, 8vo. 14s. 

HORACE (Works of). Edited by Dean Milman. With 300 

Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 21s. 

-(Life of). By Dean Milman. Woodcuts, and coloured 

Borders. 8vo. 9s. 

HOSPITALS AND SISTERHOODS. By a Ladv. Fcap. 8vo. 

3s. 6d, 

HOUSTOUN’S (Mrs.) Yacht Voyage to Texas and the Gulf of 
Mexico. Plates. 2 Yols. Post8vo. 21s. 

c 






















18 


LIST OF WORKS 


HOME AND COLONIAL LIBRARY. Complete in 70 Parts. 

Post 8vo, 2s. 6^. each, or bound in 31 Volumes, clotli. 


CONTENTS OP THE SERIES. 

% 

THE BIBLE IN SPAIN. By George Borrow. 

JOURNALS IN INDIA. By Bishop IIeber. 

TRAVELS IN THE HOLY LAND. By Captains Irby and Mangles. 
THE SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR. By John Drinkwater. 

MOROCCO AND THE MOORS. By J. Drummond Hay. 

LETTERS FROM THE BALTIC. By a Lady. 

THE AMBER-WITCH. By Lady Duff Gordon. 

OLIVER CROMWELL & JOHN BUNYAN. By Robert Southey. 
NEW SOUTH WALES. By Mrs. Meredith. 

LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. By John Barrow. 

FATHER RIPA’S MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF CHINA 
A RESIDENCE IN THE WEST INDIES. By M. G. Lewis. 
SKETCHES OF PERSIA. By Sir John Malcolm. 

THE FRENCH IN ALGIERS. By Lady Duff Gordon. 

VOYAGE OF A NATURALIST. By Charles Darwin. 

HISTORY OF THE FALL OF THE JESUITS. 

LIFE OF LOUIS PRINCE OF CONDE. By Lord Mahon. 
GIPSIES OF SPAIN. By George Borrow. 

THE MARQUESAS. By Hermann Melville. 

LIVONIAN TALES. By a Lady. 

MISSIONARY LIFE IN CANADA. By Rev. J. Abbott. 

SALE’S BRIGADE IN AFFGHANISTAN. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. 
LETTERS FROM MADRAS. By a Lady. 

HIGHLAND SPORTS. By Charles St. John. 

JOURNEYS ACROSS THE PAMPAS. By Sir F. B. Head. 
GATHERINGS FROM SPAIN. By Richard Ford. 

SIEGES OF VIENNA BY THE TURKS. By Lord Ellesmere. 
SKETCHES OF GERMAN LIFE. By Sir A. Gordon. 
ADVENTURES IN THE SOUTH SEAS. By Hermann Melville. 
STORY OF BATTLE OF WATERLOO. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. 

A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER AMAZON. By W. H. Edwards. 
THE WAYSIDE CROSS. By Capt. Milman. 

MANNERS & CUSTOMS OF INDIA. By Rev. C. Acland. 
CAMPAIGNS AT WASHINGTON. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. 
ADVENTURES IN MEXICO. By G. F. Ruxton. 

PORTUGAL AND GALLICIA. By Lord Carnarvon. 

LIFE OF LORD CLIVE. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. 

BUSH LIFE IN AUSTRALIA. By H. W. Haygarth. 

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF HENRY STEFFENS. 

SHORT LIVES OF THE POETS. By Thomas Campbell. 
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. By Lord Mahon. 

LONDON & NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. By Sir F. B. Head. 
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A RESIDENCE AT SIERRA LEONE. By a Lady. 

LIFE OF GENERAL MUNRO. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. 

MEMOIRS OF SIR FOWELL BUXTON. By his Son. 








PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


19 


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LIST OF WORKS 


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KUGLER’S (Dr. Franz) Handbook to the History of Painting 

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21 


LEAKE’S (Col. W. Martin) Topography of Athens, with Remarks 
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LIST OF WORKS 


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-Life of Robert Burns. Fifth Edition. Reap. 8vo. 3s. 

LOUDON’S (Mrs.) Instructions in Gardening for Ladies. With 
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- Modern Botany; a Popular Introduction to the 

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LOWE’S (Sir Hudson) Letters and Journals, during the Captivity 
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LUCKNOW : A Lady’s Diary of the Siege. Written for Friends 

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LYELL’S (Sir Charles) Principles of Geology; or, the Modern 
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MAHON’S (Lord) History of England, from the Peace of Utrecht 
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M c CULLOCH’S (J. R.) Collected Edition of Ricardo’s Political 
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PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


23 


MALCOLM’S (Sir John) Sketches of Persia. Third Edition. 
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HANSEL’S (Rev. H. L.) The Limits of Religious Thought 

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MANTELL’S (Gideon A.) Thoughts on Animalcules; or, the 

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MARKLAND’S (J. H.) Reverence due to Holy Places. Third 

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MAUREL’S (Jules) Essay on the Character, Actions, and Writings 

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MAXIMS AND HINTS for an Angler, and the Miseries of 

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MAYO’S (Dr.) Pathology of the Human Mind. Fcap. 8vo. 5s. 6d. 
MELVILLE’S (Hermann) Typee and Omoo; or, Adventures 

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MENDELSSOHN’S (Felix Bartholdy) Life. By Jules Benedict. 
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24 


LIST OF WORKS 


MEREDITH’S (Mrs. Charles) Tasmania, during a Residence of 
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MERRIEIELD (Mrs.) on the Arts of Painting in Oil, Miniature, 

Mosaic, and Glass; Gilding, Dyeing, and the Preparation of Colours 
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305. 

MILLS (Arthur) India in 1858 ; A Summary of the Existing 

Administration—Political, Fiscal, and Judicial; with Laws and Public 
Documents, from the earliest to the present time. Second Edition. With 
Coloured Revenue Map. 8vo. 105. 6d. 

MITCHELL’S (Thomas) Plays of Aristophanes. With English 

Notes. 8VO.—1. CLOUDS, 105.-2. WASPS, 105.-3. FROGS, 15s. 

MILMAN’S (Dean) History of Christianity, from the Birth of 
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-History of Latin Christianity; including that of the 

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-Character and Conduct of the Apostles considered as 

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- Poetical Works. Plates. 3 Yols. Fcap. Svo. 18s. 

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MODERN DOMESTIC COOKERY. Founded on Principles of 

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MOLTKE’S (Baron) Russian Campaigns on the Danube and the 
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MONASTERY AND THE MOUNTAIN CHURCH. By Author 

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MOORE’S (Thomas) Life and Letters of Lord Byron. Cabinet 

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MOZLEY’S (Rev. J. B.) Treatise on the Augustinian Doctrine of 

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MUCK MANUAL (The) for the Use of Farmers. A Practical Treatise 

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MUNDY’S (Gen.) Pen and Pencil Sketches during a Tour 

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MUNRO’S (General Sir Thomas) Life and Letters. By the Rev. 
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MURCHISON’S (Sir Roderick) Russia in Europe and the Ural 
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MURRAY’S (Capt. A.) Naval Life and Services of Admiral Sir 
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Wellington. By Lord Ellesmere. 6 d . 
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Essays from “The Times.” 2 Vols. 8s. 
Music and Dress. Is. 

La yard’s Account of Nineveh. 5s. 
Milman’s Fall of Jerusalem. Is. 
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Life of Theodore Hook. Is. 

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Oi.ifhant’s Nepaul. 2s. 6 d . 

Art of Dining. Is. 6 d . 

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are published:] 

Mahon’s Joan of Arc. Is. 

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Campbell’s Life of Bacon. 2 s . Gd . 
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NICHOLLS’ (Sir George) History of the British Poor: Being 

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26 


LIST OF WORKS 


NIMROD On the Chace—The Turf—and The Road. Reprinted 

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OLIPHANT'S (Laurence) Journey to Katmandu, with Yisit to 
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OXENHAM’S (Rey. W.) English Notes for Latin Elegiacs ; designed 

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PAGET’S (John) Hungary and Transylvania. With Remarks on 
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PARIS’ (Dr.) Philosophy in Sport made Science in Ear¬ 
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PARKYNS’ (Mansfield) Personal Narrative of Three Years’ Resi¬ 
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PENN’S (Richard) Maxims and Hints for an Angler, and the 
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PENROSE’S (Rev. John) Faith and Practice ; an Exposition of the 

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PERRY’S (Sir Erskine) Bird’s-Eye Yiew of India. With Extracts 

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PHILLIPS’ (John) Memoirs of William Smith, LL.D. (the Geo¬ 
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- Geology of Yorkshire, The Yorkshire Coast, and the 

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- Rivers, Mountains, and Sea Coast of Yorkshire. 

With Essays on the Climate, Scenery, and Ancient Inhabitants of the 
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27 


PL.ILPOTT S (Bishop) Letters to the late Charles Butler, on the 
Theological parts of his “ Book of the Roman Catholic Church ; ” with 
Remarks on certain Works of Dr. Milner and Dr. Lingard, and on some 
parts of the Evidence of Dr. Doyle. Second Edition. 8vo. 16s. 

PHIPPS’ (Hon. Edmund) Memoir, Correspondence, Literary and 
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POPE’S (Alexander) WORKS. An entirely New Edition. Edited, 

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PORTER’S (Rev. J. L.) Five Years in Damascus. With Travels to 

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PRAYER-BOOK (The Illustrated), with 1000 Illustrations of Bor¬ 
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PRECEPTS FOR THE CONDUCT OF LIFE. Exhortations to 

a Virtuous Course and Dissuasions from a Vicious Career. Extracted 
from the Scriptures. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. Is. 

PRINSEP’S (Jas.) Essays on Indian Antiquities, Historic, 

Numismatic, and Palseographic, with Tables, illustrative of Indian 
History, Chronology, Modern Coinages, Weights, Measures, &c. 
Edited by Edward Thomas. Illustrations. 2 Vols. 8vo. 52s. 6d. 

PROGRESS OF RUSSIA IN THE EAST, An Historical Sum¬ 
mary, continued to the Present Time. With Map by Arrowsmith. 
Third Edition. 8vo. 6s. Qd. 

PUSS IN BOOTS. With 12 Illustrations; for Old and Young. 

By Otto Speckter. A New Edition. 16mo. Is. 6d. 

QUARTERLY REVIEW (The). 8vo. 6 s. 

RANKE’S (Leopold) Political and Ecclesiastical History of the 
Popes of Rome, during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Trans¬ 
lated from the German by Mrs. Austin. Third Edition. 2 Vols. 8vo. 24s. 

RAWLINSON’S (Rev. George) Herodotus. A New English 

Version. Edited with Notes and Essays. Assisted by, Sir Henry 
Rawlinson and Sir J. G. Wilkinson. Maps and Woodcuts. 4 Vols. 
8vo. 18s. each. 

-- Historical Evidences of Revealed Religion. 

Being the Bampton Lectures for 1859. Svo. Nearly ready. 

REJECTED ADDRESSES (The). By James and Horace Smith. 

With Biographies of the Authors, and additional Notes. New Edition , 
with the Author's latest Corrections. Fcap. 8vo. Is., or Fine Paper , with 
Portrait. Fcap. 8vo. 5s. 

RENNIE’S (James) Insect Architecture. To which are added 

Chapters on the Ravages, the Preservation, for Purposes of Study, and 
the Classification of Insects. New Edition. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 5s. 

RICARDO’S {David) Political Works. With a Notice of his 
Life and Writings. By J. R. M'Culloch. New Edition. 8vo. 16s. 






















28 


LIST OF WORKS 


RIPA’S (Father) Memoirs during Thirteen Years’ Residence at the 
Court of Peking, in the Service of the Emperor of China. Translated 
from the Italian. By Fortunato Prandi. Post Svo. 2s. 6d. 

ROBERTSON’S (Rev. J. C.) History of the Christian Church, From 
the Apostolic Age to the Pontificate of Gregory the Great, a.d. 590. 
Second and Revised Edition. Yol. 1. 8vo. 16s. 

- Second Period, from a.d. 590 to the Concordat of 

Worms, a.d. 1123. Yol. 2. Svo. 18s. 

ROBINSON’S (Rev. Dr.) Biblical Researches in the Holy Land. 

Being a Journal of Travels in 1838, and of Later Researches in 1852. 
With New Maps. 3 Vols. 8vo. 36s. 

*** The “ Later Researches” may be had separately. Svo. 15 s. 

ROMILLY’S (Sir Samuel) Memoirs and Political Diary. By his 
Sous. Third Edition. Portrait. 2 Yols. Fcap. Svo. 12s. 

ROSS’S (Sir James) Voyage of Discovery and Research in the 
Southern and Antarctic Regions during the years 1839-43. Plates. 

2 Vols. Svo. 36s. 

RUNDELL’S (Mrs.) Domestic Cookery, founded on Principles 
of Economy and Practice, and adapted for Private Families. New and 
Revised Edition. Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 5s. 

RUSSIA; A Memoir of the Remarkable Events which attended 

the Accession of the Emperor Nicholas. By Baron M. Korff, Secretary 
of State. Svo. 10s. 6d. (Published by Imperial Command.) 

RUXTON’S (George F.) Travels in Mexico; with Adventures 
among the Wild Tribes and Animals of the Prairies and Rocky Moun¬ 
tains. Post 8vo. 6s. 

SALE’S (Lady) Journal of the Disasters in Affghanistan. Eighth 

Edition. Post 8vo. 12s. 

- (Sir Robert) Brigade in Affghanistan. With an Account of 

the Seizure and Defence of Jellalabad. ByREV.G.R.GLEio. Post8vo.2s.6d. 

SANDWITH’S (Humphry) Narrative of the Siege of Kars 
and of the Six Months’ Resistance by the Turkish Garrison under 
General Williams. Seventh Thousand. Post 8vo. 3s. 6d. 

SCOTT’S (G. Gilbert) Remarks on Secular and Domestic 

Architecture, Present and Future. Second Edition. 8vo. 9s. 

SCROPE’S (William) Days of Deer-Stalking in the Forest of Atholl f 
with some Account of the Nature and Habits of the Red Deer. Third 
Edition. Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 20s. 

Days and Nights of Salmon Fishing in the Tweed; 
with a short Account of the Natural History and Habits of the Salmon. 
Second Edition. Woodcuts. Royal 8vo. 31s. 6d. 

—-(G. P.) Memoir of Lord Sydenham, and his Administra¬ 

tion in Canada. Second Edition. Portrait. Svo. 9s. 6 d. 

- Geology and Extinct Volcanos of Central France. 

Second Edition, revised and enlarged. Illustrations. Medium Svo. 30s. 

SHAW’S (Thos. B.) Outlines of English Literature, for the Use of 
Young Students. Post 8vo. 12s. 

SIERRA LEONE; Described in a Series of Letters to Friends at 

Home. By A Lady. Edited by Mrs. Norton. Post 8vo. 6s. 

SMITH’S (Wm., LL.D.) Dictionary of Greek and Roman Anti¬ 

quities. Second Edition. With 500 Woodcuts. 8vo. 42s. 

























PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY 


29 


SMITH’S (Wm., LL.D.) Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman 

Antiquities. Abridged from the above work. Fourth Edition. With 
200 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 

-Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and My¬ 
thology. With 500 Woodcuts. 3 Vols. 8vo. 51. 15s. 6cL 

-Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. With 

Woodcuts. 2 Vols. 8vo. 80s. 

-Atlas of Ancient Geography. 4to. [In preparation. 

- Classical Dictionary for the Higher Forms in Schools. 

Compiled from the above two works. Fifth Edition. With 750 Wood- 
cuts. 8vo. 18s. 

- Smaller Classical Dictionary. Abridged from the 

above work. Fifth Edition. With 200 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 

Latin - English Dictionary. Based upon the Works 

of Forcellini and Freund. Fifth Thousand. 8vo. 21s. 

Smaller Latin-English Dictionary. Abridged from the 

above work. Twelfth Thousand. Square 12mo. 7 s.6d. 

- English-Latin Dictionary. Assisted by John Robson, 

B.A. 8vo. and 12mo. [In preparation. 

-Mediaeval Latin-English Dictionary. Selected from the 

great work of Ducange. 8vo. [ Uniform with Dr. Smith's “Latin- 
English Dictionary.”] 

Dictionary of Biblical Antiquities, Biography, Geo¬ 

graphy, and Natural History. Woodcuts. Vol. 1. 8vo. [In the Press. 

- Gibbon’s History of the Decline and Fall of the 

Roman Empire. Edited, with Notes. Portrait and Map. 8 Vols. 8vo. 
60s. (Murray’s British Classics.) 

-Student’s Gibbon; being the History of the Decline 

and Fall, Abridged. Incorporating the Researches of Recent Com- 
mentatoi’S. Sixth Thousand. Woodcuts. PostSvo. 7 s.6d. 

- History of Greece ; from the Earliest Times to 

the Roman Conquest. With the History of Literature and Art. Sixteenth 
Thousand. Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. (Questions. 12mo. 2s.) 

-- Student’s Hume. A History of England from the 

Invasion of Julius Csesar. Ba-ed on Hume, and continued to 1858. 
Eighth Thousand. Woodcuts. Post8vo. 7 s.6d. 

—- History of Rome; from the Earliest Times to the 

Establishment of the Empire. With the History of Literature and 
Art. By H. G. Liddell, D.D. Tenth Thousand. Woodcuts. Crown 
8vo. 7s. 5d. [Uniform with Smith’s “ History of Greece.”]] 

- (Wm. Jas.) Grenville Letters and Diaries, including 

Mr. Grenville’s Diary of Political Events, while First Lord of 
the Treasury. Edited, with Notes. 4 Vols. 8vo. 64s. 

- (James & Horace) Rejected Addresses. Tiventy-third 

Edition. Fcap.8vo. Is., or Fine Paper, with Portrait. Fcap. 8vo. 5s. 

SOMERVILLE’S (Mary) Physical Geography. Fourth Edition. 
Portrait. Post 8vo. 9s. 

-Connexion of the Physical Sciences. Ninth 

Edition. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 9s. 

SOUTH’S (John F.) Household Surgery; or, Hints on Emergen¬ 
cies. Seventeenth Thousand. Woodcuts. Fcp.8vo. 4s. Qd. 

































30 


LIST OP WORKS 


SOUTHEY’S (Robert) Book of the Church ; with Notes contain¬ 
ing tlie Authorities, and au Index. Seventh Edition. Post 8vo. 7 s.6d. 

-Lives of JohnBunyanA Oliver Cromwell. Post 8 vo. 2s. 6c?. 

SPECKTER’S (Otto) Puss in Boots, suited to the Tastes of Old 
and Young. A New Edition. With 12 Woodcuts. Square 12mo. Is. Qd. 

_ Charmed Roe; or, the Story of the Little Brother 

and Sister. Illustrated. 16mo. 

STANLEY’S (Rev. A. P.) Addresses and Charges of the Late 
Bishop Stanley. With a Memoir of his Life. Second Edition. 8vo. 
10s. 6d. 

-— Sermons preached in Canterbury Cathedral, on the 

Unity of Evangelical aud Apostolical Teaching. Post 8vo. 7 s.6d. 

-Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistles to the Corin¬ 
thians. with Notes and Dissertations. Second, and revised Edition. 
8vo. 185. 

- Historical Memorials of Canterbury. The Landing of 

Augustine—The Murder of Becket—The Black Prince—The Shrine of 
Becket. Third Edition. Woodcuts. Post8vo. 7s. Gd. 

-*- Sinai and Palestine, in Connexion with their History. 

Fifth Edition. Map. 8vo. 16s. 

ST. JOHN’S (Charles) Wild Sports and Natural History of the 

Highlands. Post Svo. 6s. 

- (Bayle) Adventures in the Libyan Desert and the 

Oasis of Jupiter Ammon. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 2 s.6d. 

STEPHENSON’S (George) Life. The Railway Engineer. By 

Samuel Smiles. Fifth Edition. Portrait. Svo. 16s. 

STOTHARD’S (Thos., R. A.) Life. With Personal Reminiscences. 

By Mrs. Beat. With Portrait and 60 Woodcuts. 4to. 

STREET’S (G. E.) Brick and Marble Architecture of Italy, in the 

Middle Ages. Plates. 8vo. 21s. 

STRIFE FOR THE MASTERY. Two Allegories. With Illus¬ 

trations. Crown Svo. 6s. 

SWIFT’S (Jonathan) Life, Letters and Journals. By John 

Forster. Svo. In Preparation. 

- Works. Edited, with Notes. By John Forster. Svo. 

In Preparation. 

SYDENHAM’S (Lord) Memoirs. With his Administration in 

Canada. By G.PouletScrope, M.P. Second Edition. Portrait. 8vo. 9s. Gd. 
SYME’S (Jas.) Principles of Surgery. Fourth Edition. Svo. 14s. 
TAYLOR’S (Henry) Notes from Life. Fcap 8vo. 2s. 

-(J. E.) Fairy Ring. A Collection of Stories for Young 

Persons. From the German. With Illustrations by Richard Doyle. 
Second Edition. Woodcuts. Fcap. 8vo. 

TENNENT’S (Sir J. E.) Christianity in Ceylon. Its Introduction 

and Progress under the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and American Mis¬ 
sions. With an Historical Sketch of the Brahmanical and Buddhist 
Superstitions. Woodcuts. 8vo. 14s. 

THREE-LEAVED MANUAL OF FAMILY - PRAYER; arranged 

so as to save the trouble of turning the Pages backwards and forwards. 
Royal Svo. 2s. 



















PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


31 


TICKNOR’S (George) History of Spanish Literature. With Criti¬ 
cisms on particular Works, and Biographical Notices of Prominent 
Writers. Second Edition. 3 Vols. 8vo. 24s. 

TOCQUEVILLE’S (M. de) State of France before the Revolution, 
1789, and on the Causes of that Event. Translated by Henry Reeve, 
Esq. 8vo. 14s. 

TREMENHEERE’S (H. S.) Political Experience of the Ancients, 

in its bearing on Modem Times. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6 d. 

•- Notes on Public Subjects, made during a 

Tour in the United States and Canada. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d. 

- Constitution of the United States compared 

with our own. Post Svo. 9s. 6d. 

TWISS’ (Horace) Public and Private Life of Lord Chancellor Eldon, 
with Selections from his Correspondence. Portrait. Third Edition. 
2 Vols. Post Svo. 21s. 

TYNDALL’S (John) Glaciers of the Alps. Being a Narrative of 

various Excursions among them, and an Account of Three Years’ 
Observations and Experiments on their Motion, Structure, and General 
Phenomena. Post Svo. In Preparation. 

TYTLER (Patrick Fraser), A Memoir of. By his Friend, Rev. 
J. W. Buf.gon, M.A. 8vo. 9s. 

UBICINPS (M. A.) Letters on Turkey and its Inhabitants— the 

Moslems, Greeks, Armenians, &c. Translated by Lady Easthope. 
2 Vols. Post 8vo. 21s. 

YAUGHAN’S (Rev. Dr.) Sermons preached in Harrow School. 
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■ - New Sermons. 12mo. • 5s. 

YENABLES’ (Rev. R. L.) Domestic Scenes in Russia during a 

Year’s Residence, chiefly in the Interior. Second Edition. Post 8vo. 5s. 

YOYAGE to the Mauritius and back, touching at the Cape of Good 

Hope, and St. Helena. By Author of “Paddiana.” Post Svo. 9s. 6d. 

WAAGEN’S (Dr.) Treasures of Art in Great Britain. Being an 
Account of the Chief Collections of Paintings, Sculpture, Manuscripts, 
Miniatures, &c. &c., in this Country. Obtained from Personal Inspec¬ 
tion during Visits to England. 3 Vols. 8vo. 36s. 

- Galleries and Cabinets of Art in England. Being 

an Account of more than Forty Collections, visited in 1854-56 and 
never before described. With Index. Svo. 18s. 

W ADDINGTON’S (Dean) Condition and Prospects of the 

Greek Church. New Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6 d. 

WAKEFIELD’S (E. J.) Adventures in New Zealand. With 

some Account of the Beginning of the British Colonisation of the 
Island. Map. 2 Vols. Svo. 28s. 

WALKS AND TALKS. A Story-book for Young Children. By 

Aunt Ida. With Woodcuts. 16mo. 5s. 

WARD’S (Robert Plumer) Memoir, Correspondence, Literary and 
Unpublished Diaries and Remains. By the Hon. Edmund Puipps. 
Portrait. 2 Vols. 8vo. 28s. 

WATT’S (James) Life. Incorporating the most interesting pas¬ 
sages from his Private and Public Correspondence. By James P. 
Muiruead, M.A. Second Edition. Portraits and Woodcuts. Svo. 16s. 



















32 LIST OF WORKS PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 


WATT’S (James) Origin and Progress of his Mechanical Inventions. 
Illustrated by his Correspondence with his Friends. Edited by J. P. 
Muirhead. Plates. 3 vols. 8vo. 45s., or Large Paper. 3 Yols. 4to. 

WELLINGTON’S (The Duke of) Despatches during his various 

Campaigns. Compiled from Official and other Authentic Documents. By 
Col. Gurwood, C.B. New Enlarged Edition. 8 Vols. 8vo. 21s. each. 

- Supplementary Letters, Despatches, and other 

Papers relating to India. Edited by his Son. 4 Yols. 8vo. 20s. each. 

-- Selections from his Despatches and General 

Orders. By Colonel Gurwood. 8vo. 18s. 

—--Speeches in Parliament. 2 Yols. 8vo. 42 s. 

WILKIE’S (Sir David) Life, Journals, Tours, and Critical Remarks 
on Works of Art, with a Selection from his Correspondence. By Allan 
Cunningham. Portrait. 3 Vols. 8vo. 42s, 

WILKINSON’S (Sir J. G.) Popular Account of the Private Life, 

Manners, and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. New Edition. 
Revised and Condensed. With 500 Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Post8vo. 12s. 

--—-- Dalmatia and Montenegro ; with a Journey to 

Mostar in Hertzegovina, and Remarks on the Slavonic Nations. Plates 
and Woodcuts. 2Vols. 8vo. 42s. 

- Handbook for Egypt.—Thebes, the Nile, Alex¬ 

andria, Cairo, the Pyramids, Mount Sinai, &c. Map. Post 8vo. 15s. 

- On Colour, and on the Necessity for a General 

Diffusion of Taste among all Classes; with Remarks on laying out 
Dressed or Geometrical Gardens. With Coloured Illustrations and 
Woodcuts. 8vo. 18s. 

■-- (G. B.) Working Man’s Handbook to South Aus¬ 

tralia ; with Advice to the Farmer, and Detailed Information for the 
several Classes of Labourers and Artisans. Map. 18mo. Is. 6d. 

WOOD’S (Lieut.) Yoyage up the Indus to the Source of the 
River Oxus, by Kabul and Badakhshan. Map. 8vo. 14s. 

WORDSWORTH’S (Rev. Dr.) Athens and Attica. Journal of a 

Tour. Third Edition. Plates. Post 8vo. 8s. 6d. 

- Greece: Pictorial, Descriptive, and Historical, 

with a H'story of Greek Art, by G. Scharf, F.S.A. New Edition. With 
600 Woodcuts. Royal 8vo. 28s. 

- King Edward YIth’s Latin Grammar, for the 

Use of Schools. \2th Edit ion, revised. 12mo. 3s. Gd. 

First Latin Book, or the Accidence, Syntax 
and Prosody, with English Translation for Junior Classes. Third 
Edition. 12mo. 2s. 

WORNUM (Ralph). A Biographical Dictionary of Italian Painters : 

with a Table of the Contemporary Schools of Italy. By a Lady. 
Post 8 vo. 6s. 6J. 

--- Epochs of Painting Characterised ; a Sketch 

of the History of Painting, showing its gradual and various develop¬ 
ment from the earliest ages to the present time. New Edition, Wood- 
cuts. Post 8vo. 6s. 

YOUNG’S (Dr. Thos.) Life and Miscellaneous Works,edited by Dean 
Peacock and John Leitch. Portrait and Plates. 4 Vols. 8vo. 15s. each. 


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